The underlying piece here imho is a shift of political weight away from the unions that represent people who build hospitals, towards the unions that (seek to) represent people who labor in them
Health/service sector unions, w/their diverse member base & breadth of priorities that follow, are far better positioned to lead & benefit from coalitions w/the range of groups & actors newly mobilizing around racial disparities, police accountability, & more.
Also: this👇
The developers-trades-professional/managerial class alliance that's been the modal version of Democratc urban power sharing for ~30 ys had few incentives to support political *or* workplace organizing that would empower low-wage workers. That's been costly
Gonna upcycle this👇as my 2022 🔥take. New coalitions w labor at core are absolutely possible for the educationally-realigned Dem party. But which unions get to steer, & the definition of who today's "working class" really is, is going to have to catch up
Adding @RyanDeto's sharp observation👇re DA here. Again, as unions that rep folks who work in buildings (rather than just unions that rep those who build them) gain relative heft, labor coalition-leadership around race & justice reform becomes more likely
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