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Philip Rocco @PhilipRocco
, 10 tweets, 2 min read Read on Twitter
John Roberts’ ruling in Shelby, which made the usurpation of democracy in Georgia possible, abjectly ignored thousands of pages of congressional factfinding about persistent examples of racial discrimination at the ballot box.
Let us rehearse the things that Roberts ignored to underwrite this:
In 2004, Waller County, Texas,
threatened to prosecute two black
students after they announced their
intention to run for office. The county
then attempted to reduce the
availability of early voting in that
election at polling places near a
historically black university
In 2001, mayor and all-white
Board of Aldermen of
Kilmichael, MS
canceled the town’s election after
“an unprecedented number” of
African-American candidates
announced campaigns. DOJ stepped in under section 5.
In 1990, Dallas County, AL, sought to purge black voters from rolls. DOJ rejected the purge as discriminatory.
In 2003, after African-Americans won a majority of the seats on the school board for the first time in history, Charleston County, South Carolina, pro­ posed an at-large voting mechanism for the board, an exact replica of prior scheme that violated VRA
In 1995, Mississippi sought to reenact a dual voter registration system, which was initially enacted in 1892 to disenfranchise Black voters.
South Dakota nakedly violated the VRA between 1976 and 2002—resulting in disfranchisement of Oglala and Rosebud Sioux Tribes, among others.
Or as the House Judiciary Committee summed it up
The Shelby decision, among others, is a hallmark of an institution fundamentally at odds with the practice of democratic citizenship and incapable of protecting civil rights. Because of it, Kemp’s subversion of democracy in GA will be replicated over and over again.
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