I think I caught a major legal error on p. 5 of the OLC memo on #Whitaker.
OLC argues that the Vacancies Act applies to DOJ statute 28 USC 508, because the DOJ statute cross-refers to the VRA.
That would be difficult b/c Congress passed 28 USC 508 before the VRA. See my thread:
This is the part of the memo with the error. This DOJ statute (28 USC 508) was passed and amended in the 1940s, 50s, 60s, 70s, 80s. No later changes. The 3345 reference pre-dated the VRA.
VRA passed in 1998.
It would be impossible for the DOJ statute to “cross-reference” the VRA.
Here’s my better mark-up of the OLC memo and its legal error at p. 5:
This site makes the legislative history of 28 USC 508 clear:
Enacted 1966.
Amended 1977.
So how could it “cross-reference” a 1998 statute?
How could Congress indicate any intention in 1977 about something that did not exist yet? law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/28…
4/ And constitutional questions about the OLC opinion:
OLC insists Whitaker's appointment is OK b/c he's inferior, not principal, citing Edmonds, p.16:
"An inferior officer is one who reports to a superior officer below the President." How is that possible here with Whitaker?...
5/ OLC cites some recent historical examples. Sorry, I thought we were supposed to be textualist and originalists.
It seems like the Constitution's "department heads" (e.g. the AG) should not be so easily re-labeled "inferior." To textualists, this should be absurd.
6/ The Constitution refers to principal officers and inferior officers in Article II, Section 2:
Cl. 1: "He may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer in each of the executive Departments."...
7/ Art. II, Sec. 2, Cl. 2, The Appts Clause: "the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers, as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law, or in the Heads of Departments."
The text are clear: Heads are principal officers. Full stop.
8/ Whitaker is the head of the DOJ, acting or not. If you tell me that he's not a principal officer, if you take the Constitution seriously as law, you need to reconcile that with the actual words of the Constitution, not recent practice.
9/ And if you tell me that Whitaker is somehow an "inferior" officer, and not a "principal" officer, despite the text of Art. II, Sec. 2, then you need to explain what the difference is functionally. That cannot be just a distinction without a difference, an empty game of labels.
10/ If you cite Eaton for "special" circumstances, acknowledge Eaton was about a sick consul to Thailand in *1898.* Not 1998. It was a health emergency. It was not the head of a department. There were no other Senate-confirmed options.
This is an emergency of Trump's creation.
🧵 from @jdmortenson on Sai Prakash & Aditya Bamzai is devastating.
It has serious legal implications - and it is actually much worse.
Julian & I have asked questions for years privately & politely.
I regret that it has come to this.
I regret I didn't call them out 4 yrs ago. 1/
2/ I emailed Prakash questions about his use of sources in May 2020, early in Covid, in his article "New Light on the Decision of 1789," while Seila Law was pending.
He never addressed them. Instead, he & @adityabamzai repeated them & added new misuses: papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cf…
3/ I sent drafts to Prakash detailing my concerns.
In 2020, I co-organized a conference at Stanford & invited Prakash (Covid pushed to 2022).
He accepted, but when he asked if I would be debating past work, he cancelled w/ no explanation.
It gets worse. law.stanford.edu/events-archive…
This scare tactic - that the GOP will challenge any new nominee - is meritless nonsense, belied by Speaker Johnson's inability to specify any legal argument.
(See election law experts like @rickhasen in thread)
It tells you the GOP is desperate to keep Biden on the ballot. 1/
“I don’t put any credence into it,” says @RickHasen. “Biden is not the party’s nominee now, and states generally point to the major party’s nominee as the one whose name is on the ballot.”
I've read Judge Cannon's dismissal of the Mar-a-Lago case, ruling Special Counsel Jack Smith's appointment was invalid.
I am shocked but not surprised.
Clearly she was desperate to dismiss the Watergate case US v. Nixon & DC Cir. precedents in order to dismiss this case.
1/
2/ Cannon's decision is mostly statutory interpretation, not con law, ruling Smith's appointment does not have a statutory basis.
She doesn't rule directly on the constitutional issues, but she sneaks them in through "clear statement" rules, a now infamous Roberts Court move.
3/ I acknowledge the statutory basis for Smith's appointment is not textually obvious.
Judge Cannon actually does a good job explaining that the statutes that the DOJ relies on are not clear or leave questions.
But what do judges do when they have such doubts?
Trump v. US thread.
Opinion below.
Bottom line #1: I agree that a Jan 6 trial cannot happen before the election (That was almost certain when the Court took this case)
2/ The Court remanded the case.
Commentators are overlooking the Court's emphasis on "presumptive immunity," rather than "absolute immunity."
See Chief Justice Roberts's concise summary at p. 6 below.
This presumption still opens a big door for trial court evidentiary hearings.
3/ The Court holds "absolute immunity" for "core constitutional powers" (p. 6 above).
But what are those "core" powers?
p. 8: "Congress cannot act on, and courts cannot examine, the President’s actions on subjects within his 'conclusive and preclusive' constitutional authority."
I'll be live-tweeting tonight's debate, to the extent that I can keep up and have the stomach for it.
🧵 1/ I note that Donald Trump has already lost the expectations pre-game, which may (or may not) be a big deal. politicalwire.com/2024/06/27/mor…
2/ "A @nytimes Siena College poll found 60% of registered voters thought Trump would perform 'very' or 'somewhat' well in tonight’s debate. Only 46% said the same of Biden.
Overall, nearly half of voters anticipated a poor showing for Biden."
Low expectations. Maybe good news?
@nytimes 3/ I'm sorry this matters, but Biden has a frog in his throat, and even when he cleared the frog, his voice is flat and monotone. His answer on inflation is fine substantively, but the vocals are really not good.
His answer was good.
But he sounds weak.
@RickPildes 3/ Barrett picked up on the Special Counsel's argument of the absurdity that crim statutes need a clear statement, if only a tiny number of statutes include (she said only three or so). Surely Congress did not mean for presidents to be broadly immune so generally from crim law.