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Page later emailed Campaign officials with feedback he said he received from ambassadors he had met at the Convention, and he wrote that Ambassador Kislyak was very worried about candidate Clinton's world views. (FN 585)
*FN 585: [redacted; Grand Jury] 7/23/16 Email, Page to Clovis; 7/25/16 Email, Page to Gordon & Schmitz. (End FN 585)*
[Redacted; Grand Jury]. (FN 586)

*FN 586: [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 586)*
Following the Convention, Page's trip to Moscow and his advocacy for pro-Russia foreign policy drew the media's attention and began to generate substantial press coverage.
The Campaign responded by distancing itself from Page, describing him as an "informal foreign policy advisor" who did "not speak for Mr. Trump or the campaign." (FN 587)
*FN 587: See, e.g., Steven Mufson & Tom Hamburger, Trump Advisor's Public Comments, Ties to Moscow Stir Unease in Both Parties, Washington Post (Aug. 5, 2016). (End FN 587)*
On September 23, 2016, Yahoo! News reported that U.S. intelligence officials were investigating whether Page had opened private communications with senior Russian officials to discuss U.S. sanctions policy under a possible Trump Administration. (FN 588)
*FN 588: Michael Isikoff, US. Intel Officials Probe Ties Between Trump Adviser and Kremlin, Yahoo! News (Sept. 23, 2016). (End FN 588)*
A Campaign spokesman told Yahoo! News that Page had "no role" in the Campaign and that the Campaign was "not aware of any of his activities, past or present."(FN 589)
*FN 589: Michael Isikoff, US. Intel Officials Probe Ties Between Trump Adviser and Kremlin, Yahoo! News (Sept. 23, 2016); see also 9/25/16 Email, Hicks to Conway & Bannon (instructing that inquiries about Page should be answered with
*FN 589 cont'd: "[h]e was announced as an informal adviser in March. Since then he has had no role or official contact with the campaign. We have no knowledge of activities past or present and he now officially has been removed from all lists etc."). (End FN 589)*
On September 24, 2016, Page was formally removed from the Campaign. (FN 590)

*FN 590: Page 3/16/17 302, at 2; see, e.g., 9/23/16 Email, J. Miller to Bannon & S. Miller (discussing plans to remove Page from the campaign). (End FN 590)*
Although Page had been removed from the Campaign, after the election he sought a position in the Trump Administration. (FN 591)

*FN 591: [Redacted; Grand Jury], "Transition Online Form," 11/14/ 16 [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 591)*
On November 14, 2016, he submitted an application to the Transition Team that inflated his credentials and experiences, stating that in his capacity as a Trump Campaign foreign policy advisor he had met with "top world leaders" and "effectively
[Page quote continued] responded to diplomatic outreach efforts from senior government officials in Asia, Europe, the Middle East, Africa, [and] the Americas." (FN 592)

*FN 592: [Redacted; Grand Jury], "Transition Online Form," 11/14/ 16 [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 592)*
Page received no response from the Transition Team. When Page took a personal trip to Moscow in December 2016, he met again with at least one Russian government official. That interaction and a discussion of the December trip are set forth in Volume I, Section IV.B .6, infra.
4. Dimitri Simes and the Center for the National Interest

Members of the Trump Campaign interacted on several occasions with the Center for the National Interest (CNI), principally through its President and Chief Executive Officer, Dimitri Simes.
CNI is a think tank with expertise in and connections to the Russian government. Simes was born in the former Soviet Union and immigrated to the United States in the 1970s.
In April 2016, candidate Trump delivered his first speech on foreign policy and national security at an event hosted by the National Interest, a publication affiliated with CNI.
Then-Senator Jeff Sessions and Russian Ambassador Kislyak both attended the event and, as a result, it gained some attention in relation to Sessions's confirmation hearings to become Attorney General.
Sessions had various other contacts with CNI during the campaign period on foreign-policy matters, including Russia. Jared Kushner also interacted with Simes about Russian issues during the campaign.
The investigation did not identify evidence that the Campaign passed or received any messages to or from the Russian government through CNI or Simes.
a. CNI and Dimitri Simes Connect with the Trump Campaign

CNI is a Washington-based non-profit organization that grew out of a center founded by former President Richard Nixon. (FN 593)

*FN 593: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 1-2. (End FN 593)*
CNI describes itself "as a voice for strategic realism in U.S. foreign policy," and publishes a bi-monthly foreign policy magazine, the National Interest. (FN 594)

*FN 594: About the Center, CNI, available at cftni.org/about/. (End FN 594)*
CNI is overseen by a board of directors and an advisory council that is largely honorary and whose members at the relevant time included Sessions, who served as an advisor to candidate Trump on national security and foreign policy issues.(FN 595)
*FN 595: Advisory Counsel, CNl, available at web.archive.org/web/2016103002… cftni.org/about/advisory…; Simes 3/8/18 302, at 3-4; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 4; Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 16. (End FN 595)*
Dimitri Simes is president and CEO of CNI and the publisher and CEO of the National Jnterest. (FN 596)

*FN 596: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 2. (End FN 596)*
Simes was born in the former Soviet Union, emigrated to the United States in the early 1970s, and joined CNI' s predecessor after working at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. (FN 597)
*FN 597: 597 Simes 3/8/18 302, at 1-2; Simes 3/27/18 302, at 19 (End FN 597)*
Simes personally has many contacts with current and former Russian government officials, (FN 598) as does CNI collectively.

*FN 598: Simes 3/27 /18 302, at 10-15. (End FN 598)*
As CNI stated when seeking a grant from the Carnegie Corporation in 2015, CNI has "unparalleled access to Russian officials and politicians among Washington think tanks," (FN 599) in part because CNI has arranged for U.S. delegations to visit Russia and
for Russian delegations to visit the United States as part of so-called "Track 11" diplomatic efforts (FN 600)

*FN 599: C000l 1656 (Rethinking US-Russia Relations, CNI (Apr. 18, 2015)). (End FN 599)*
*FN 600: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 5; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 29-30; Zakheim 1/25/18 302, at 3. (End FN 600)*
On March 14, 2016, CNI board member Richard Plepler organized a luncheon for CNI and its honorary chairman, Henry Kissinger, at the Time Warner Building in New York. (FN 601)
*FN : Simes 3/8/18 302, at 6; C00006784 (3/11/16 Email, Gilbride to Saunders (3:43:12 p.m.); cf Zakheim 1/25/18 302, at 1 (Kissinger was CNI's "Honorary Chairman of the Board"); Boyd 1/24/18 302, at 2; P. Sanders 2/15/18 302, at 5. (End FN 601)*
The idea behind the event was to generate interest in CNI's work and recruit new board members for CNI. (FN 602)

*FN 602: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 5-6; Simes 3/27/18 302, at 2. (End FN 602)*
Along with Simes, attendees at the event included Jared Kushner, son-in-law of candidate Trump. (FN 603)

*FN 603: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 6; Kushner 4/11/18 302 at 2 (End FN 603)*
Kushner told the Office that the event came at a time when the Trump Campaign was having trouble securing support from experienced foreign policy professionals and that, as a result, he decided to seek Simes's assistance during the March 14 event. (FN 604)
*FN 604: Kushner 4/ 11/ 18 302, at 2. (End FN 604)*
Simes and Kushner spoke again on a March 24, 2016 telephone call, (FN 605)three days after Trump had publicly named the team of foreign policy advisors that had been put together on short notice. (FN 606)

*FN 605: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 6-7. (End FN 605)*
*FN 606: [Redacted; Grand Jury] see Volume I, Section IV.A.2, supra. (End FN 606)*
On March 31, 2016, Simes and Kushner had an in-person, one-on-one meeting in Kushner's New York office. (FN 607)

*FN 607: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 7-9. (End FN 607)*
During that meeting, Simes told Kushner that the best way to handle foreign-policy issues for the Trump Campaign would be to organize an advisory group of experts to meet with candidate Trump and develop a foreign policy approach that was consistent with Trump's voice. (FN 608)
*FN 608: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 7-8. (End FN 608)*
Simes believed that Kushner was receptive to that suggestion. (FN 609)

*FN 609: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 8; see also Boyd 1/24/18 302, at 2. (End FN 609)*
Simes also had contact with other individuals associated with the Trump Campaign regarding the Campaign's foreign policy positions.
For example, on June 17, 2016, Simes sent J.D. Gordon an email with a "memo to Senator Sessions that we discussed at our recent meeting" and asked Gordon to both read it and share it with Sessions.
The memorandum proposed building a "small and carefully selected group of experts" to assist Sessions with the Campaign, operating under the assumption "that Hillary Clinton is very vulnerable on national security and foreign policy issues."
The memorandum outlined key issues for the Campaign, including a "new beginning with Russia." (FN 610)

*FN 610: C00008187 (6/17/16 Email, Simes to Gordon (3:35:45 p.m.)). (End FN 610)*
b. National Interest Hosts a Foreign Policy Speech at the Mayflower Hotel

During both their March 24 phone call and their March 31 in-person meeting, Simes and Kushner discussed the possibility of CNI hosting a foreign policy speech by candidate Trump. (FN 611)
*FN 611: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 7. (End FN 611)*
Following those conversations, Simes agreed that he and others associated with CNI would provide behind-the-scenes input on the substance of the foreign-policy speech and that CNI officials would coordinate the logistics of the speech with Sessions and his staff,
including Sessions's chief of staff, Rick Dearborn. (FN 612)

*FN 612: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 8-11; C00008923 (4/6/16 Email, Simes to Burt (2:22:28 p.m.)); Burt 2/9/18 302, at 7. (End FN 612)*
In mid-April 2016, Kushner put Simes in contact with senior policy advisor Stephen Miller and forwarded to Simes an outline of the foreign-policy speech that Miller had prepared. (FN 613)
*FN 613: C00008551 (4/17/16 Email, Kushner to Simes (2:44:25 p.m.)); C00006759 (4/14/16 Email Kushner to Simes & S. Miller (12:30 p.m.)). (End FN 613)*
Simes sent back to the Campaign bullet points with ideas for the speech that he had drafted with CNI Executive Director Paul Saunders and board member Richard Burt. (FN 614)

*FN 614: Burt 2/9/18 302, at 7; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 7-8. (End FN 614)*
Simes received subsequent draft outlines from Miller, and he and Saunders spoke to Miller by phone about substantive changes to the speech. (FN 615)

*FN 615: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 13; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 7-8. (End FN 615)*
It is not clear, however, whether CNI officials received an actual draft of the speech for comment; while Saunders recalled having received an actual draft, Simes did not, and the emails that CNI produced to this Office do not contain such a draft. (FN 616)
*FN 616: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 13; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 7-8. (End FN 616)*
After board members expressed concern to Simes that CNl's hosting the speech could be perceived as an endorsement of a particular candidate, CNI decided to have its publication , the National Interest, serve as the host and to have the event at the National Press Club. (FN 617)
*FN 617: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 8; Simes 3/8/18 302, at 12; C00003834-43 (4/22/16 Email, Simes to Boyd et al. (8:47 a.m.)). (End FN 617)*
Kushner later requested that the event be moved to the Mayflower Hotel, which was another venue that Simes had mentioned during initial discussions with the Campaign, in order to address concerns about security and capacity. (FN 618)
*FN 618: Simes 3/8/ 18 302, at 12, 18; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 11. (End FN 618)*
On April 25, 2016, Saunders booked event rooms at the Mayflower to host both the speech and a VIP reception that was to be held beforehand. (FN 619)

*FN 619: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 11-12; C00006651-57 (Mayflower Group Sales Agreement). (End FN 619)*
Saunders understood that the reception-- at which invitees would have the chance to meet candidate Trump--would be a small event. (FN 620)

*FN 620: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 12-13. (End FN 620)*
Saunders decided who would attend by looking at the list of CNI' s invitees to the speech itself and then choosing a subset for the reception. (FN 621)

*FN 621: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 12. (End FN 621)*
CNI's invitees to the reception included Sessions and Kislyak. (FN 622)

*FN 622: C00002575 (Attendee List); C00008536 (4/25/16 Email, Simes to Kushner (4:53:45 p.m.)). (End FN 622)*
The week before the speech Simes had informed Kislyak that he would be invited to the speech, and that he would have the opportunity to meet Trump. (FN 623)

*FN 623: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 19-20. (End FN 623)*
When the pre -speech reception began on April 27, a receiving line was quickly organized so that attendees could meet Trump. (FN 624)

*FN 624: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 21. (End FN 624)*
Sessions first stood next to Trump to introduce him to the members of Congress who were in attendance. (FN 625)

*FN 625: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 21 (FN 625)*
After those members had been introduced , Simes stood next to Trump and introduced him to the CNI invitees in attendance , including Kislyak. (FN 626)

*FN 626: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 21. (End FN 626)*
Simes perceived the introduction to be positive and friendly, but thought it clear that Kislyak and Trump had just met for the first time. (FN 627)

*FN 627: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 21. (End FN 627)*
Kislyak also met Kushner during the prespeech reception. The two shook hands and chatted for a minute or two, during which Kushner recalled Kislyak saying, "we like what your candidate is saying...it's refreshing."(FN 628)

*FN 628: Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 4 (End FN 628)*
Several public reports state that, in addition to speaking to Kushner at the pre-speech reception, Kislyak also met or conversed with Sessions at that time. (FN 629)
*FN 629: See, e.g., Ken Dilanian, Did Trump, Kushner, Sessions Have an Undisclosed Meeting With Russian?, NBC News (June 1, 2016); Julia Ioffe, Why Did Jeff Sessions Really Meet With Sergey Kislyak, The Atlantic (June 13, 2017). (End FN 629)*
Sessions stated to investigators, however, that he did not remember any such conversation. (FN 630)

*FN 630: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 22. (End FN 630)*
Nor did anyone else affiliated with CNI or the National Interest specifically recall a conversation or meeting between Sessions and Kislyak at the pre-speech reception. (FN 631)
*FN 631: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 21; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 14, 21; Boyd 1/24/18 302, at 3-4; Heilbrunn 2/1/18 302, at 6; Statement Regarding President Trump's April 27, 2016 Foreign Policy Speech at the Center for the National Interest, CNI (Mar. 8, 2017). (End FN 631)*
It appears that, if a conversation occurred at the pre-speech reception, it was a brief one conducted in public view , similar to the exchange between Kushner and Kislyak.
The Office found no evidence that Kislyak conversed with either Trump or Sessions after the speech, or would have had the opportunity to do so.
Simes, for example, did not recall seeing Kislyak at the post-speech luncheon, (FN 632) and the only witness who accounted for Sessions's whereabouts stated that Sessions may have spoken to the press after the event but then departed for Capitol Hill. (FN 633)
*FN 632: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 22; Heilbrunn 2/1/18 302, at 7. (End FN 632)*

*FN 633: Luff 1 /30/18 302, at 4. (End FN 633)*
Saunders recalled, based in part on a food-related request he received from a Campaign staff member, that Trump left the hotel a few minutes after the speech to go to the airport. (FN 634)

*FN 634: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 15. (End 634)*
c. Jeff Sessions's Post-Speech Interactions with CNI

In the wake of Sessions' s confirmation hearings as Attorney General, questions arose about whether Sessions's campaign-period interactions with CNI apart from the Mayflower speech included
any additional meetings with Ambassador Kislyak or involved Russian-related matters. With respect to Kislyak contacts, on May 23, 2016, Sessions attended CNI 's Distinguished Service Award dinner at the Four Seasons Hotel in Washington, D.C. (FN 635)
*FN 635: Sessions 1/17 /18 302, at 22; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 17. (End FN 635)*
Sessions attended a pre-dinner reception and was seated at one of two head tables for the event. (FN 636)
*FN 636: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 17; C00004779-80 (5/23/16 Email, Cantelmo to Saunders & Hagberg (9:30: 12 a.m.); C00004362 (5/23/16 Email, Bauman to Cantelmo et al. (2:02:32 a.m.). (End FN 636)*
A seating chart prepared by Saunders indicates that Sessions was scheduled to be seated next to Kislyak, who appears to have responded to the invitation by indicating he would attend the event. (FN 637)
*FN 637: C00004362 (5/23/16 Email Bauman to Cantelmo et al. (2:02:32 a.m.). (End FN 637)*
Sessions, however, did not remember seeing, speaking with, or sitting next to Kislyak at the dinner. (FN 638)

*FN 638: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 22. (End FN 638)*
Although CNI board member Charles Boyd said he may have seen Kislyak at the dinner,(FN 639) Simes, Saunders, and Jacob Heilbrunn--editor of the National Interest-all had no recollection of seeing Kislyak at the May 23 event. (FN 640)
*FN 639: Boyd 1/24/18 302, at 4. (End FN 639)*

*FN 640: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 23; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 18; Heilbrunn 2/1/18 302, at 7. (End FN 640)*
Kislyak also does not appear in any of the photos from the event that the Office obtained.

In the summer of 2016, CNI organized at least two dinners in Washington, D.C. for Sessions to meet with experienced foreign policy professionals. (FN 641)
*FN 641: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 31; Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 19; Burt 2/9/18 302, at 9-1 0; Khalilzad 1/9/ 18 302, at 5. (End FN 641)*
The dinners included CNIaffiliated individuals, such as Richard Burt and Zalmay Khalilzad, a former U.S. ambassador to Afghanistan and Iraq and the person who had introduced Trump before the April 27, 2016 foreign-policy speech. (FN 642)
*FN 642: Butt 2/9/18 302, at 9-10; Khalilzad 1/9/18 302, at 1-2, 5. (End FN 642)*
Khalilzad also met with Sessions one-on-one separately from the dinners. (FN 643)

*FN 643: Khalilzad 1/9/18 302, at 5-6. (End FN 643)*
At the dinners and in the meetings , the participants addressed U.S. relations with Russia, including how U.S. relations with NATO and European countries affected U.S. policy toward Russia. (FN 644)
*FN 644: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 31; Burt 2/9/ 18 302, at 9-1 O; Khalilzad 1 /9/18 302, at 5. (End FN 644)*
But the discussions were not exclusively focused on Russia.(FN 645)

*FN 645: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 20. (End FN 645)*
Khalilzad, for example, recalled discussing "nation-building" and violent extremism with Sessions. (FN 646)

*FN 646: Khalilzad 1/9/18 302, at 6 (End FN 646)*
In addition , Sessions asked Saunders ( of CNI) to draft two memoranda not specific to Russia: one on Hillary Clinton 's foreign policy shortcomings and another on Egypt. (FN 647)

*FN 647: Saunders 2/15/18 302, at 19-20. (End FN 647)*
d. Jared Kushner's Continuing Contacts with Simes

Between the April 2016 speech at the Mayflower Hotel and the presidential election, Jared Kushner had periodic contacts with Simes. (FN 648)

*FN 648: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 27. (End FN 648)*
Those contacts consisted of both in-person meetings and phone conversations, which concerned how to address issues relating to Russia in the Campaign and how to move forward with the advisory group of foreign policy experts that Simes had proposed. (FN 649)
*FN 649: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 27. (End FN 649)*
Simes recalled that he, not Kushner, initiated all conversations about Russia, and that Kushner never asked him to set up back-channel conversations with Russians. (FN 650)

*FN 650: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 27. (End FN 650)*
According to Simes, after the Mayflower speech in late April, Simes raised the issue of Russian contacts with Kushner, advised that it was bad optics for the Campaign to develop hidden Russian contacts,
and told Kushner both that the Campaign should not highlight Russia as an issue and should handle any contacts with Russians with care. (FN 651)
*FN 651: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 27. During this period of time, the Campaign received a request for a highlevel Campaign official to meet with an officer at a Russian state-owned bank "to discuss an offer [that officer] claims to be canying from President Putin to meet with"
*FN 651 cont'd: candidate Trump. NOSC00005653 (5/17/16 Email, Dearborn to Kushner (8:12 a.m.)). Copying Manafort and Gates, Kushner responded, "Pass on this. A lot of people come claiming to carry messages.
*FN 651 cont'd: Very few are able to verify. For now I think we decline such meetings. Most likely these people go back home and claim they have special access to gain importance for themselves. Be careful." NOSC00005653 (5/17/16 Email, Kushner to Dearborn). (End FN 651)*
Kushner generally provided a similar account of his interactions with Simes.(FN 652)

*FN 652: Kushner 4/11 /18 302, at 11-13. (End FN 652)*
Among the Kushner-Simes meetings was one held on August 17, 2016, at Simes' s request, in Kushner's New York office.
The meeting was to address foreign policy advice that CNI was providing and how to respond to the Clinton Campaign's Russia-relat ed attacks on candidate Trump. (FN 653)
*FN 653: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 29-30; Simes 3/27 /18 302, at 6; Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 12; C00007269 (8/10/16 Meeting Invitation, Vargas to Simes et al.); DJTFP00023484 (8/11/16 Email, Hagan to Manafmt (5:57:15 p.m.)). (End FN 653)*
In advance of the meeting, Simes sent Kushner a "Russia Policy Memo" laying out "what Mr. Trump may want to say about Russia" (FN 654)

*FN 654: C00007981-84 (8/9/16 Email, Simes to Kushner (6:09:21 p.m.)).
*FN 654 cont'd: The memorandum recommended "downplaying Russia as a U.S. foreign policy priority at this time" and suggested that "some tend to exaggerate Putin's flaws." The memorandum also recommended approaching general Russianrelated questions in the framework of
*FN 654 cont'd: "how to work with Russia to advance important U.S. national interests" and that a Trump Administration "not go abroad in search of monsters to destroy." The memorandum did not discuss sanctions but did address how to handle Ukraine-related questions,
*FN 654 cont'd: including questions about Russia's invasion and annexation of Crimea. (End FN 654)*
In a cover email transmitting that memo and a phone call to set up the meeting, Simes mentioned "a well-documented story of highly questionable connections between Bill Clinton" and the Russian government,
"parts of [which]" (according to Simes) had even been "discussed with the CIA and the FBI in the late 1990s and shared with the [Independent Counsel] at the end of the Clinton presidency." (FN 655)
*FN 655: C00007981 (8/9/16 Email, Simes to Kushner (6:09:21 p.m.)). (End FN 655)*
Kushner forwarded the email to senior Trump Campaign officials Stephen Miller, Paul Manafort, and Rick Gates, with the note "suggestion only." (FN 656)

*FN 656: DJTFP00023459 (8/10/16 Email, Kushner to S. Miller et al. (11:30: 13 a.m.)). (End FN 656)*
Manafort subsequently forwarded the email to his assistant and scheduled a meeting with Simes. (FN 657)

*FN 657: DJTFP00023484 (8/11/16 Email, Hagan to Manafort (5:57:15 p.m.)). (End FN 657)*
(Manafort was on the verge of leaving the Campaign by the time of the scheduled meeting with Simes, and Simes ended up meeting only with Kushner).
During the August 17 meeting, Simes provided Kushner the Clinton-related information that he had promised. (FN 658)

*FN 658: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 29-30; Simes 3/27/18 302, at 6; Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 12. (End FN 658)*
Simes told Kusher that, [redacted; personal privacy] (FN 659)

*FN 659: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 30; Simes 3/27 /l 8 302, at 6. (End FN 659)*
Simes claimed that he had received this information from former CIA and Reagan White House official Fritz Ermarth, who claimed to have learned it from U.S. intelligence sources, not from Russians. (FN 660)

*FN 660: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 30 (End FN 660)*
Simes perceived that Kushner did not find the information to be of interest or use to the Campaign because it was, in Simes's words, "old news." (FN 661)

*FN 661: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 30; Simes 3/27/18 302, at 6. (End FN 661)*
When interviewed by the Office, Kushner stated that he believed that there was little chance of something new being revealed about the Clintons given their long career as public figures,
and that he never received from Simes information that could be "operationalized" for the Trump Campaign. (FN 662)

*FN 662: Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 12. (End FN 662)*
Despite Kushner's reaction, Simes believed that he provided the same information at a small group meeting of foreign policy experts that CNI organized for Sessions. (FN 663)

*FN 663: Simes 3/8/18 302, at 30. (End FN 663)*
5. June 9, 2016 Meeting at Trump Tower

On June 9, 2016, senior representatives of the Trump Campaign met in Trump Tower with a Russian attorney expecting to receive derogatory information about Hillary Clinton from the Russian government.
The meeting was proposed to Donald Trump Jr. in an email from Robert Goldstone, at the request of his then-client Emin Agalarov, the son of Russian real-estate developer Aras Agalarov.
Goldstone relayed to Trump Jr. that the "Crown prosecutor of Russia ... offered to provide the Trump Campaign with some official documents and information that would incriminate Hillary and her dealings with Russia" as
"part of Russia and its government 's support for Mr. Trump." Trump Jr. immediately responded that "if it's what you say I love it," and arranged the meeting through a series of emails and telephone calls.
Trump Jr. invited campaign chairman Paul Manafort and senior advisor Jared Kushner to attend the meeting, and both attended.
Members of the Campaign discussed the meeting before it occurred, and Michael Cohen recalled that Trump Jr. may have told candidate Trump about an upcoming meeting to receive adverse information about Clinton, without linking the meeting to Russia.
According to written answers submitted by President Trump, he has no recollection of learning of the meeting at the time, and the Office found no documentary evidence showing that he was made aware of the meeting--or its Russian connection-before it occurred.
The Russian attorney who spoke at the meeting, Natalia Veselnitskaya, had previously worked for the Russian government and maintained a relationship with that government throughout this period of time.
She claimed that funds derived from illegal activities in Russia were provided to Hillary Clinton and other Democrats. Trump Jr. requested evidence to support those claims, but Veselnitskaya did not provide such information.
She and her associates then turned to a critique of the origins of the Magnitsky Act, a 2012 statute that imposed financial and travel sanctions on Russian officials and that resulted in a retaliatory ban on adoptions of Russian children.
Trump Jr. suggested that the issue could be revisited when and if candidate Trump was elected. After the election, Veselnitskaya made additional efforts to follow up on the meeting, but the Trump Transition Team did not engage.
a. Setting Up the June 9 Meeting

i. Outreach to Donald Trump Jr

Aras Agalarov is a Russian real-estate developer with ties to Putin and other members of the Russian government, including Russia's Prosecutor General, Yuri Chaika. (FN 664)
*FN 664: [Redacted; Grand Jury] Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 4. (End FN 664)*
Aras Agalarov is the president of the Crocus Group, a Russian enterprise that holds substantial Russian government construction contracts and that- as discussed above, Volume I, Section IV.A.I, supra -worked with Trump in connection with the 2013 Miss Universe pageant in Moscow
and a potential Trump Moscow real-estate project. (FN 665)

*FN 665: [Redacted; Grand Jury] Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 3; Shugart 9/25/17 302, at 2-3; [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 665)*
The relationship continued over time, as the parties pursued the Trump Moscow project in 2013-2014 and exchanged gifts and letters in 2016. (FN 666)
*FN 666: [Redacted; Grand Jury] Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 10; [Redacted; Grand Jury] Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 5-6; 4/25/16 Email, Graff to Goldstone (End FN 666)*
For example, in April 2016, Trump responded to a letter from Aras Agalarov with a handwritten note. (FN 667)

*FN 667: RG000033-34 (4/25/16 Email, Graff to Goldstone (attachment)). (End FN 667)*
Aras Agalarov expressed interest in Trump's campaign, passed on "congratulations" for winning in the primary and-according to one email drafted by Goldstone-an "offer" of
his "support and that of many of his important Russian friends and colleagues[,] especially with reference to U.S./Russian relations." (FN 668)

*FN 668: DJTJR00008 (2/29/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr., et. al); [redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 668)*
On June 3, 2016, Emin Agalarov called Goldstone, Emin 's then-publicist. (FN 669)

*FN 669: Call Records of Robert Goldstone [Redacted; Grand Jury] Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 6 (End FN 669)*
Goldstone is ·a music and events promoter who represented Emin Agalarov from approximately late 2012 until late 2016. (FN 670)

*FN 670: Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 1-2; [Redacted; Grand Jury] Beniaminov 1/6/18 302, at 3. (End FN 670)*
While representing Emin Agalarov, Goldstone facilitated the ongoing contact between the Trumps and the Agalarovs-including an invitation that Trump sent to Putin to attend the 2013 Miss Universe Pageant in Moscow. (FN 671)
*FN 671: Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 1-5; [Redacted; Grand Jury] DJTJR00008 (2/29/19 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.); Beniaminov 1/6/18 302, at 3; Shugart 9/25/17 302, at 2; TR UMPORG _ 18_0013 25 ( 6/21/13 Email, Goldstone to Graft) Goldstone to Graff);
*FN 671 cont'd: TRUMPORG 18 001014 (6/24/13 Email, Graff to Shugart); TRUMPORG_l8_001018 (6/26/13 Email, Graffto Goldstone); TRUMPORG_l8_001022 (6/27/13 Email, Graff to L. Kelly); TRUMPORG_18_001333 (9/12/13 Email, Goldstone to Graff, Shugart);
*FN 671 cont'd: MUO00004289 (7/27/13 Email, Goldstone to Graff, Shugart). (End FN 671)*
[Redacted; Grand Jury} (FN 672)

*FN 672: [Redacted; Grand Jury] see Goldstone 2/,8/18 302, at 6-7. (End FN 672)*
Goldstone understood [Redacted; Grand Jury] a Russian political connection, and Emin Agalarov indicated that the attorney was a prosecutor. (FN 673)

*FN 673: [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 673)*
Goldstone recalled that the information that might interest the Trumps involved Hillary Clinton [redacted; Grand Jury] (FNs 674-675)

*FNs 674-675: [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FNs 674-675)*
The [Redacted; Grand Jury] mentioned by Emin Agalarov was Natalia Veselnitskaya. (FN 676)
*FN 676: In December 2018, a grand jury in the Southern District of New York returned an indictment charging Veselnitskaya with obstructing the Prevezon litigation discussed in the text above. See Indictment, United States v. Natalia Vladimirovna Veselnitskaya,
*FN 676 cont'd: No. 18-cr-904 (S.D.N.Y.). The indictment alleges, among other things, that Veselnitskaya lied to the district court about her relationship to the Russian Prosecutor General's Office and her involvement in responding to a U.S. document request sent to the Russian
*FN 676 cont'd: government. (End FN 676)
From approximately 1998 until 2001, Veselnitskaya worked as a prosecutor for the Central Admin. District of the RU Prosecutor's Office, (FN 677)and she continued to perform government-related work and maintain ties to the Russian government following her departure. (FN 678)
*FN 677: Veselnitska at 11/20/17 Statement to the Senate Committee on the Judiciary, at 2; [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 677)*

*FN 678: Testimony of Natalia Veselnitskaya Before the Senate Committee on Judiciary (Nov. 20, 2017) at 33;
*FN 678 cont'd: Keir Simmons & Rachel Elbaum , Russian Lawyer Veselnitskaya Says She Didn't Give Trump Jr. Info on Clinton, NBC News (July 11, 2017); Maria Tsvetkova & Jack Stubbs, Moscow Lawyer Who Met Trump Jr. Had Russian Spy Agency As Client,
*FN 678 cont'd: Reuters (July 21, 2017); Andrew E. Kramer & Sharon LaFraniere , Lawyer Who Was Said to Have Dirt on Clinton Had Closer Ties to Kremlin than She Let On, New York Times (Apr. 27, 2018). (End FN 678)*
She lobbied and testified about the Magnitsky Act, which imposed financial sanctions and travel restrictions on Russian officials and which was named for a Russian tax specialist who exposed a fraud and later died in a Russian prison. (FN 679)
*FN 679: *FN 679: See Pub. L. No. 112-208 §§ 402, 404(a)(l), 126 Stat. 1502,1502-1506. Sergei Magnitsky was a Russian tax specialist who worked for William Browder, a former investment fund manager in Russia. Browder hired Magnitsky to investigate tax fraud by Russian officials,
*FN 679 cont'd: and Magnitsky was charged with helping Browder embezzle money. After Magnitsky died in a Russian prison, Browder lobbied Congress to pass the Magnitsky Act. See, e.g., Andrew E. Kramer, Turning Tables in Magnitsky Case, Russia Accuses Nemesis of Murder,
*FN 679 cont'd: New York Times (Oct. 22, 2017); Testimony ofNatalia Veselnitskaya Before the Senate Committee on Judiciary (Nov. 20, 2017), Exhibits at 1-4; Rosie Gray, Bill Browder 's Testimony to the Senate Judiciary Committee, The Atlantic (July 25, 2017). (End FN 679)*
Putin called the statute "a purely political , unfriendly act," and Russia responded by barring a list of current and former U.S. officials from entering Russia and by halting the adoption of Russian children by U.S. citizens. (FN 680)
*FN 680: Ellen Barry, Russia Bars 18 Americans After Sanctions by US, New York Times (Apr. 13, 2013); Tom Porter, Supporters of the Magnitsky Act Claim They've Been Targets of Russian Assassination and Kidnapping Bids, Newsweek (July 16, 2017). (End FN 680)*
Veselnitskaya performed legal work for Denis Katsyv, (FN 681) the son of RU businessman Peter Katsyv, and for his company Prevezon Holdings Ltd., which was a defendant in a civil-forfeiture action alleging the laundering of proceeds from the fraud exposed by Magnitsky. (FN 682)
*FN 681: 1 Testimony of Natalia Veselnitskaya Before the Senate Committee on Judiciary (Nov. 20, 2017), at 21. (End FN 681)*
*FN 682: See Veselnitskaya Deel., United States v. Prevezon Holdings, Ltd., No. 13-cv-6326 (S.D.N.Y.); see Prevezon Holdings, Second Amended Complaint; Prevezon Holdings, Mem. and Order ; Prevezon Holdings, Deposition of Oleg Lurie. (End FN 682)*
She also appears to have been involved in an April 2016 approach to a U.S. congressional delegation in Moscow offering "confidential information" from "the Prosecutor General of Russia " about "interactions between certain political forces in our two countries." (FN 683)
*FN 683: See Gribbin 8/31/17 302, at 1-2 & lA (undated one-page document given to congressional delegation). The Russian Pros. General is an official with broad national responsibilities in the Russian legal system. See Fed Law on the Prosecutor's Office of the Russian Federation
*FN 683 cont'd: (1992, amended 2004). (End FN 683)*
Shortly after his June 3 call with Emin Agalarov, Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. (FN 684) The email stated:
*FN 684: RG000061 (6/3/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.); DJTJR00446 (6/3/16 Email, Goldstone to Donald Trump Jr.); @DonaldJTrumpJr 07/11/17 (11:00) Tweet (End FN 684)*
Within minutes of this email, Trump Jr. responded, emailing back: "Thanks Rob I appreciate that. I am on the road at the moment but perhaps I just speak to Emin first. Seems we have some time and if it's what you say I love it especially later in the summer.
[Donald Trump Jr. email quote continued] Could we do a call first thing next week when I am back?" (FN 685)

*FN 685: DJTJR00446 (6/3/16 Email, Trump Jr. to Goldstone); @DonaldJTrumpJr 07/11/17 (11 :00) Tweet; RG000061 (6/3/16 Email, Trump Jr. to Goldstone). (End FN 685)*
Goldstone conveyed Trump Jr.'s interest to Emin Agalarov, emailing that Trump Jr. "wants to speak personally on the issue." (FN 686)

*FN 686: [redacted; Grand Jury] RG000062 (6/3/16 Email, Goldstone & Trump Jr.). (End FN 686)*
On June 6, 2016, Emin Agalarov asked Goldstone if there was "[a]ny news," and Goldstone explained that Trump Jr. was likely still traveling for the "final elections...where [T]rurnp will be 'crowned' the official nominee." (FN 687)
On the same day, Goldstone again emailed Trump Jr. and asked when Trump Jr. was "free to talk with Emin about this Hillary info." (FN 688)

*FN 688: RG000065 (6/6/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.); DJTJR00446 (6/6/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.). (End FN 688)*
*FN 687: RG000063 (6/6/16 Email, A. Agalarov to Goldstone); RG000064 (6/6/16 Email, Goldstone to A. Agalarov). (End FN 687)*
On the same day, Goldstone again emailed Trump Jr. and asked when Trump Jr. was "free to talk with Emin about this Hillary info." (FN 688)

*FN 688: RG000065 (6/6/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.); DJTJR00446 (6/6/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.). (End FN 688)*
Trump Jr. asked if they could "speak now," and Goldstone arranged a call between Trump Jr. and Emin Agalarov. (FN 689)

*FN 689: DJTJR00445 6/6/16 Email Goldstone and Trump Jr.); RG000065-67 6/6/16 Goldstone and Trump Jr. [Redacted; G.J.] (End FN 689)*
On June 6 and June 7, Trump Jr. and Emin Agalarov had multiple brief calls. (FN 690)

*FN 690: DJTJR00499 (Call Records of Donald Trump Jr. [Redacted; Grand Jury]); Call Records of Donald Trump Jr. [Redacted; Grand Jury]. (End FN 690)*
Also on June 6, 2016, Aras Agalarov called Ike Kaveladze and asked him to attend a meeting in New York with the Trump Organization. (FN 691)

*FN 691: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 6 [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 691).
Kaveladze is a Georgia-born, naturalized U.S. citizen who worked in the United States for the Crocus Group and reported to Aras Agalarov. (FN 692)

*FN 692: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 1-2; [redacted; grand jury] Beniaminov 1/6/18 302, at 1-2; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 691)*
Kaveladze told the Office that, in a second phone call on June 6, 2016, Aras Agalarov asked Kaveladze ifhe knew anything about the Magnitsky Act, and Aras sent him a short synopsis for the meeting and Veselnitskaya's business card.
According to Kaveladze, Aras Agalarov said the purpose of the meeting was to discuss the Magnitsky Act, and he asked Kaveladze to translate. (FN 693)

*FN 693: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 6. (End FN 693)*
ii. Awareness of the Meeting Within the Campaign

On June 7, Goldstone emailed Trump Jr. and said that "Emin asked that I schedule a meeting with you and [t]he Russian government attorney who is flying over from Moscow." (FN 694)
*FN 694: DJTJR00467 (6/7/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.); @DonaldJTrumpJr 07/11/7 (11:00) Tweet; RG000068 (6/7/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.);[Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 694)*
Trump Jr. replied that Manafort (identified as the "campaign boss"), Jared Kushner, and Trump Jr. would likely attend. (FN 695)
*FN 695: DJTJR00469 (6/7/16 Email, Trump Jr. to Goldstone); @DonaldJTrumpJr 07/11/17 (11 :00) Tweet; RG000071 6/7/16 Email, Trum Jr. to Goldstone); OSC-KAV _00048 (6/7/16 Email, Goldstone to Kaveladze); [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 695)*
Goldstone was surprised to learn that Trump Jr., Manafort, and Kushner would attend. (FN 696)

*FN 696: Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 7 (End FN 696)*
Kaveladze [redacted; Grand Jury] "puzzled" by the list of attendees and that he checked with one of Emin Agalarov's assistants, Roman Beniaminov, who said that the purpose of the meeting was for Veselnitskaya to convey "negative information on Hillary Clinton." (FN 697)
*FN 697: [redacted; grand jury] see Kalveladze 11/16/17 302 at 7; OSC-KAV_00048 (6/7/16 Email, Goldstone to Kaveladze). (End FN 697)*
Beniaminov, however, stated that he did not recall having known or said that.(FN 698)

*FN 698: Beniaminov 1 /6/18 302, at 3 (End FN 698)*
Early on June 8, 2016 Kushner emailed his assistant, asking her to discuss a 3:00 p.m. meeting the following day with Trump Jr. (FN 699)

*FN 699: NOSC0000007-08 (6/8/18 Email, Kushner to Vargas). (End FN 699)*
Later that day, Trump Jr. forwarded the entirety of his email corr. re: the meeting with Goldstone to Manafort and Kushner, under the subject line "FW: RU- Clinton- private and confidential," adding a note that the "[m]eeting got moved to 4 tomorrow at my offices." (FN 700)
*FN 700: NOSC00000039 -42 (6/8/16 Email , Trump Jr. to Kushner & Manafort); DJTJR00485 (6/8/16 Email, Trump Jr. to Kushner & Manafort). (End FN 700)*
Kushner then sent his assistant a second email , informing her that the "[m]eeting with don jr is 4pm now." (FN 701)

*FN 701: NOSC0000004 (6/8/16 Email, Kushner to Vargas). (End FN 701)*
Manafort responded , "See you then. P." (FN 702)

*FN 702: 6/8/16 Email , Manafo1t to Trump Jr. (End FN 702)*
Rick Gates , who was the deputy campaign chairman, stated during interviews with the Office that in the days before June 9, 2016 Trump Jr. announced at a regular morning meeting of senior campaign staff and Trump family members that he had a lead on negative information about the
Clinton Foundation. (FN 703)

*FN 703: Gates 1/30/18 302, at 7; Gates 3/1/18 302, at 3-4. Although the March l 302 refers to "June 19," that is likely a typographical error; external emails indicate that a meeting with those participants occurred on June 6.
*FN 703 cont'd: See NOSC00023603 (6/6/16 Email, Gates to Trump Jr. et al.). (End FN 703)*
Gates believed that Trump Jr. said the information was coming from a group in Kyrgyzstan and that he was introduced to the group by a friend. (FN 704)

*FN 704: Gates 1/30/18 302, at 7. Aras Agalarov is originally from Azerbaijan, and public reporting indicates that his company,
*FN 704 cont'd: the Crocus Group, has done substantial work in Kyrgyzstan. See Neil MacFarquhar, A Russian Developer Helps Out the Kremlin on Occasion. Was He a Conduit to Trump?, New York Times (July 16, 2017). (End FN 704)*
Gates recalled that the meeting was attended by Trump Jr., Eric Trump , Paul Manafort, Hope Hicks, and, joining late, Ivanka Trump and Jared Kushner.
According to Gates, Manafort warned the group that the meeting likely would not yield vital information and they should be careful. (FN 705)

*FN 705: Gates 3/1/18 302, at 3-4. (End FN 705)*
Hicks denied any knowledge of the June 9 meeting before 2017, (FN 706) and Kushner did not recall if the planned June 9 meeting came up at all earlier that week. (FN 707)

*FN 706: Hicks 12/7117 302, at 6. (End FN 706)*
*FN 707: Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 8 (End FN 707)*
Michael Cohen recalled being in Donald J. Trump 's office on June 6 or 7 when Trump Jr. told his father that a meeting to obtain adverse information about Clinton was going forward. (FN 708)

*FN 708: Cohen 8/7/18 302, at 4-6. (End FN 708)*
Cohen did not recall Trump Jr. stating that the meeting was connected to Russia. (FN 709)

*FN 709: Cohen 8/7/18 302, at 4-5 (End FN 709)
From the tenor of the conversation, Cohen believed that Trump Jr. had previou sly discussed the meeting with his father, although Cohen was not involved in any such conversation. (FN 710)

*FN 710: Cohen 9/12/18 302, at 15-16. (End FN 710)*
In an interview with the Senate Judiciary Committee , however , Trump Jr. stated that he did not inform his father about the emails or the upcoming meeting. (FN 711)

*FN 711: Interview of Donald J Trump, Jr., Senate Judiciary Committee, 115th Cong. 28-29, 84, 94-95
*FN 711 cont'd: (Sept. 7, 2017). The Senate Judiciary Committee interview was not under oath, but Trump Jr. was advised that it is a violation of 18 U.S.C. § 1001 to make materially false statements in a congressional investigation. Id. at 10-11. (End FN 711)*
Similarly, neither Manafort nor Kushner recalled anyone informing candidate Trump of the meeting, including Trump Jr. (FN 712)

*FN 712: Manafort 9/11/18 302, at 3-4; Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 10. (End FN 712)*
President Trump has stated to this Office, in written answers to questions, that he has "no recollection of learning at the time " that his son, Manafort, or "Kushner was considering participating in a meeting in June 2016 concerning
potentially negative information about Hillary Clinton." (FN 713)

*FN 713: Written Responses of Donald J. Trump (Nov. 20, 2018), at 8 (Response to Question I, Patts (a)(c)). We considered whether one sequence of events suggested that candidate Trump had contemporaneous
*FN 713 con'td: knowledge of the June 9 meeting. On June 7, 2016 Trump announced his intention to give "a major speech" "probably Monday of next week"-which would have been June 13-about "all of the things that have taken place with the Clintons."
*FN 713 cont'd: See, e.g., Phillip Bump, What we know about the Trump Tower meeting, Washington Post (Aug. 7, 2018). Following the June 9 meeting, Trump changed the subject of his planned speech to national security.
*FN 713 cont'd: But the Office did not find evidence that the original idea for the speech was connected to the anticipated June 9 meeting or that the change of topic was attributable to the failure of that meeting to produce concrete evidence about Clinton.
*FN 713 cont'd: Other events, such as the Pulse nightclub shooting on June 12, could well have caused the change.The President 's written answers to our questions state that the speech's focus was altered ''[i]n light of ' the Pulse nightclub shooting. See Written Resp., supra.
*FN 713 cont'd: As for the original topic of the June 13 speech, Trump has said that "he expected to give a speech referencing the publicly available, negative information about the Clintons," and that the draft of the speech prepared by Campaign staff
*FN 713 cont'd: "was based on publicly available material, including,in particular, information from the book Clinton Cash by Peter Schweizer." Written Responses, supra. In a later June 22 speech, Trump did speak extensively about allegations that Clinton was corrupt,
*FN 713 cont'd: drawing from the Clinton Cash book. See Full Transcript: Donald Trump NYC Speech on Stakes of the Election, politico.com (June 22, 2016). (End FN 713)*
b. The Events of June 9, 2016
i. Arrangements for the Meeting
Veselnitskaya was in New York on June 9, 2016, for appellate proceedings in the Prevezon civil forfeiture litigation. (FN 714)
*FN 714: Testimony of Natalia Veselnitskaya Before the Senate Committee on Judiciary (Nov. 20, 2017) at 41, 42; Alison Frankel, How Did Russian Lawyer Veselnitskaya Get into US. for Trump Tower Meeting? Reuters, (Nov. 6, 2017); Michael Kranish et al.,
*FN 714 cont'd: Russian Lawyer who Met with Trump Jr. Has Long History Fighting Sanctions, Washington Post (July 11, 2017); see OSC-KA VOOl 13 (6/8/16 Email, Goldstone to Kaveladze); RG000073 (6/8/16 Email, Goldstone to Trump Jr.); Lieberman 12/13/17 302, at 5;
*FN 714 cont'd: see also Prevezon Holdings Order (Oct. 17, 2016). (End FN 714)*
That day, Veselnitskaya called Rinat Akhmetshin, a Soviet -born U.S . lobbyist, [redacted; grand jury] and when she learned that he was in New York, invited him to lunch.
Akhmetshin told the Office that he had worked on issues relating to the Magnitsky Act and had worked on the Prevezon litigation. (FN 716)

*FN 716: Akhmetshin 11/14/17 302, at 4-6; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 716)*
Kaveladze and Anatoli Samochornov, a Russian-born translator who had assisted Veselnitska with Magnitsky-related lobbying and the Prevazon case, also attended the lunch. (FN 717)
*FN 717: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 7; [redacted; grand jury] Samochornov 7/13/17 302, at 2, 4; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 717)*
[Redacted; grand jury] Veselnitskaya said she was meeting [redacted; grand jury]and asked Akhmetshin what she should tell him.

*FN 718: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 718)*
According to several participants in the lunch, Veselnitskaya showed Akhmetshin a document alleging financial misconduct by Bill Browder and the Ziff brothers (Americans with business in Russia), and those individuals subsequently making political donations to the DNC. (FN 719)
*FN 719: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302 at 7; [redacted; grand jury]. Samochornov did not recall the planned subject matter of the Trump Tower meeting coming up at lunch. [Redacted; grand jury] Samochomov 7/12/17 302, at 4.
*FN 719 cont'd: In her later Senate statement and interactions with the press, Veselnitskaya produced what she claimed were the talking points that she brought to the June 9 meeting. (End FN 719)*
[Redacted; grand jury] (FN 720)

*FN 720: [redacted; Grand jury] (End FN 720)*
The group then went to Trump Tower for the meeting. (FN 721)

*FN 721: E.g., Samochornov 7/12/17 302, at 4 (End FN 721)*
ii. Conduct of the Meeting

Trump Jr., Manafort, and Kushner participated on the Trump side, while Kaveladze, Samochomov, Akhmetshin, and Goldstone attended with Veselnitskaya. (FN 722)

*FN 722: E.g., Samochornov 7/12/17 302, at 4. (End FN 722)*
The Office spoke to every participant except Veselnitskaya and Trump Jr., the latter of whom declined to be voluntarily interviewed by the Office [redacted; grand jury].
The meeting lasted approximately 20 minutes (FN 723)

*FN 723: E.g., Samochornov 7/12/17 302, at 4; Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 9 (End FN 723)*
[Redacted; grand jury] (FN 724)

*FN 724: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 724)*
Goldstone recalled that Trump Jr. invited Veselnitskaya to begin but did not say anything about the subject of the meeting. (FN 725)

*FN 725: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 725)*
Participants agreed that Veselnitskaya stated that the Ziff brothers had broken Russian laws and had donated their profits to the DNC or the Clinton Campaign. (FN 726)

*FN 726: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 726)*
She asserted that the Ziff brothers had engaged in tax evasion and money laundering in both the United States and Russia, (FN 727) [redacted; grand jury] (FN 728)

*FN 727-728: [redacted; grand jury] (End FNs 727-728)*
According to Akhmetshin, Trump Jr. asked follow-up questions about how the alleged payments could be tied specifically to the Clinton Campaign, but Veselnitskaya indicated that she could not trace the money once it entered the United States. (FN 729)
*FN 729: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 729)*
Kaveladze similarly recalled that Trump Jr. asked what they have on Clinton, and Kushner became aggravated and asked "[w]hat are we doing here?"(FN 730)

*FN 730: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 8 [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 730)*
Akhmetshin then spoke about U.S. sanctions imposed under the Magnitsky Act and Russia's response prohibiting U.S. adoption of Russian children. (FN 731)

*FN 731: Samochornov 7/13/17 302 at 3; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 731)*
Several participants recalled that Trump Jr. commented that Trump is a private citizen, and there was nothing they could do at that time. (FN 732)

*FN 732: E.g., Akhmetshin 11/14/ l 7 302, at 12-13 [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 732)*
Trump Jr. also said that they could revisit the issue if and when they were in government. (FN 733)

*FN 733: Akhmetshin 11/14/17 302, at 12-13; [redacted; grand jury] Samochornov 7/13/17 302, at 3.
*FN 733 cont'd: Trump Jr. confirmed this in a statement he made in July 2017 after news of the June 2016 meeting broke. Interview of Donald J Trump, Jr., Senate Judiciary Committee US. Senate Washington DC, 115th Cong. 57 (Sept. 7, 2017). (End FN 733)*
Notes that Manafort took on his phone reflect the general flow of the conversation, although not all of its details. (FN 734)
*FN 734: Manafort's notes state:
Bill browder
Offshore - Cyprus
133m shares
Companies
Not invest - loan
Value in Cyprus as inter
Illici
Active sponsors of RNC
Browder hired Joanna Glover
Tied into Cheney
Russian adoption by American families
(End FN 734)*
At some point in the meeting, Kushner sent an iMessage to Manafort stating "waste of time," followed immediately by two separate emails to assistants at Kushner Companies with requests that they call him to give him an excuse to leave. (FN 735)
*FN 735: NOSC00003992 (6/9/16 Text Message, Kushner to Manafort); Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 9; Vargas 4/4/18 302, at 7; NOSC00000044 (6/9/16 Email, Kushner to Vargas); NOSC00000045 (6/9/16 Email, Kushner to Cain). (End FN 735)*
Samochornov recalled that Kushner departed the meeting before it concluded; Veselnitskaya recalled the same when interviewed by the press in July 2017.(FN 736)

*FN 736: Samochornov 7 /12/17 302, at 4 [redacted; grand jury]
*FN 736 cont'd: Kushner 4/11/18 302, at 9-10; see also Interview of Donald J. Trump, Jr., Senate Judiciary Committee, 115th Cong. 48-49 (Sept. 7, 2017). (End FN 736)*
Veselnitskaya 's press interviews and written statements to Congress differ materially from other accounts.
In a July 2017 press interview, Veselnitskaya claimed that she has no connection to the Russian government and had not referred to any derogatory information concerning the Clinton Campaign when she met with Trump Campaign officials. (FN 737)
*FN 737: Russian Lawyer Veselnitskaya Says She Didn't Give Trump Jr. Info on Clinton, NBC News (July 11, 2017). (End FN 737)*
Veselnitskaya's November 2017 written submission to the Senate Judiciary Committee stated that the purpose of the June 9 meeting was not to connect with "the Trump Campaign" but rather to have "a private meeting with Donald Trump Jr.-a friend of my good acquaintance's son on
[Veselnitskaya quote cont'd] the matter of assisting me or my colleagues in informing the Congress members as to the criminal nature of manipulation and interference with the legislative activities of the US Congress." (FN 738)
*FN 738: Testimony of Natalia Veselnitskaya before the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary, 115th Cong.10 (Nov 20, 2017). (End FN 738)*
In other words, Veselnitskaya claimed her focus was on Congress and not the Campaign. No witness, however, recalled any reference to Congress during the meeting.
Veselnitskaya also maintained that she "attended the meeting as a lawyer of Denis Katsyv," the previously mentioned owner of Prevezon Holdings, but she did not "introduce [her]self in this capacity." (FN 739)
*FN 739: Testimony of Natalia Veselnitskaya before the United States Senate Committee on the Judiciary, 115th Cong. 21 (Nov. 20, 2017). (End FN 739)*
In a July 2017 television interview, Trump Jr. stated that while he had no way to gauge the reliability, credibility, or accuracy of what Goldstone had stated was the purpose of the meeting, if "someone has information on our opponent... maybe this is something.
[Trump Jr. quote cont'd] I should hear them out." (FN 740)

*FN 740: Sean Hannity, Transcript-Donald Trump Jr, Fox News (July 11, 2017). (End FN 740)*
Trump Jr. further stated in September 2017 congressional testimony that he thought he should "listen to what Rob and his colleagues had to say." (FN 741)

*FN 741: Interview of Donald J Trump, Jr, Senate Judiciary Committee, 115th Cong. 16 (Sept. 7, 2017). (End FN 741)*
Depending on what, if any, information was provided , Trump Jr. stated he could then "consult with counsel to make an informed decision as to whether to give it any further consideration." (FN 742)
*FN 742: *FN 742: Interview of Donald J Trump, Jr, Senate Judiciary Committee, 115th Cong. 16-17 (Sept. 7, 2017) (End FN 742)*
After the June 9 meeting concluded, Goldstone apologized to Trump, Jr. (FN 743)*

*FN 743: Kaveldaze 11/16/17 302 at 8; [redacted; grand jury] Goldstein 2/8/18 302, at 9; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 743)*
According to Goldstone, he told Trump Jr. [redacted; grand jury] (FN 744) and told Emin Agalarov in a phone call that the meeting was about adoption [redacted; grand jury] (FN 745)

*FN 744: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 744)
*FN 745: [redacted; grand jury] The week after the June 9 meeting, a cybersecurity firm and the DNC announced the Russian hack of the DNC. See Volume I, Section III B.2, supra [Redacted; Grand Jury] (and one text message shows) that, shortly after the DNC announcement,
*FN 745 cont'd: Goldstein made comments connecting the DNC hacking announcement to the June 9 meeting. [redacted; grand jury] OSC-KAV_00029 (6/14/16 Email, Goldstone to E. Agalarov & Kaveladze (10:09 a.m.)).
*FN 745 cont'd: The investigation did not identify evidence connecting the events of June 9 to the GRU's hack-and-dump operation. OSC-KAV_00029-30 (6/14/16 Email, Goldstone to E. Agalarov). (End FN 745)*
[Redacted; grand jury] (FN 746)

*FN 746: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 746)*
Aras Agalaro v asked Kaveladze to report in after the meeting , but before Kaveladze could call, Aras Agalarov called him. (FN 747)

*FN 747: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 8; Call Records of Ike Kaveladze [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 747)*
With Veselnitskaya next to him, Kaveladze reported that the meeting had gone well, but he later told Aras Agalarov that the meeting about the Magnitsky Act had been a waste of time because it was not with lawyers and they were "preaching to the wrong crowd." (FN 748)
*FN 748: Kaveladze 11/16/17 302, at 8; Call Records of Ike Kaveladze [redacted; g.j.] On June 14, 2016 Kaveladze's teenage daughter emailed asking how the June 9 meeting had gone, and Kaveladze responded, "meeting was boring. The Russians did not have an bad info on Hilary."
*FN 748 cont'd: KAV_00257 (6/14/16 Email, I. Kaveladze to A. Kaveladze; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 748)*
c. Post-June 9 Events
Veselnitskaya and Aras Agalarov made at least two unsuccessful attempts after the election to meet with Trump representatives to convey similar information about Browder and the Magnitsky Act. (FN 749)
*FN 749: Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 11 [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 749)*
On November 23, 2016, Kaveladze emailed Goldstone about setting up another meeting "with T people" and sent a document bearing allegations similar to those conveyed on June 9. (FN 750)
*FN 750: OSC-KA V 00138 11/23 /16 Email, Goldstone to Kaveladze); [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 750)*
Kaveladze followed up with Goldstone, stating that "Mr. A," which Goldstone understood to mean Aras Agalarov, called to ask about the meeting.(FN 751)

*FN 751: RG000196 (11/26-29/16 Text Messages, Goldstone & Kaveladze); [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 751)*
Goldstone emailed the document to Rhona Graff, saying that "Aras Agalarov has asked me to pass on this document in the hope it can be passed on to the appropriate team.
If needed, a lawyer representing the case is in New York currently and happy to meet with any member of his transition team." (FN 752)

*FN 752: Goldstone 2/8/18 302, at 11; [grand jury] DJTJR00118 (11/28/16 Email, Goldstone to Graff). (End FN 752)*
According to Goldstone, around January 2017, Kaveladze contacted him again to set up another meeting, but Goldstone did not make the request. (FN 753)

*FN 753: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 753)*
Participants in the June 9, 2016 meeting began receiving inquries from attorneys representing the Trump Organization starting in approximately June 2017. (FN 754)

*FN 754: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 754)*
On approximately June 2, 2017, Goldstone spoke with Alan Garten, general counsel of the Trump Organization, about his participation in the June 9 meeting. (FN 755)

*FN 755: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 755)*
The same day, Goldstone emailed Veselnitskaya 's name to Garten, identifying her as the "woman who was the attorney who spoke at the meeting from Moscow." (FN 756)

*FN 756: RG000256 (6/2/17 Email, Goldstone to Garten) (End FN 756)*
Later in June 2017, Goldstone participated in a lengthier call with Garten and Alan Futerfas, outside counsel for the Trump Organization (and, subsequently, personal counsel for Trump Jr.). (FN 757)

*FN 757: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 757)*
On June 27, 2017, Goldstone emailed Emin Agalarov with the subject "Trump attorneys" and stated that he was "interviewed by attorneys " about the June 9 meeting who were "concerned because it links Don Jr. to officials from Russia-which he has always denied meeting." (FN 758)
*FN 758: RG000092 (6/27/17 Email, Goldstone to E. Agalarov) (End FN 758)*
Goldstone stressed that he "did say at the time this was an awful idea and a terrible meeting." (FN 759)

*FN 759: RG000082 6/27/17 Email, Goldstone to E. Agalarov [Redacted; Grand Jury] (End FN 759)*
Emin Agalarov sent a screenshot of the message to Kaveladze. (FN 760)

*FN 760: OSC-KAV_01190 (6/27/17 Text Message, E. Agalarov to Kaveladze) (End FN 760)*
The June 9 meeting became public in July 2017. In a July 9, 2017 text message to Emin Agalarov, Goldstone wrote "I made sure I kept you and your father out of [t]his story," (FN 761) and "[i]f contacted I can do a dance and keep you out of it." (FN 762)
*FN 761: RG000286-87 (7/9/17 Text Messages, E. Agalarov & Goldstone); [Redacted; grand jury] (End FN 761)

*FN 762: [redacted; investigative technique] (End FN 762)*
Goldstone added, "FBI now investigating," and "I hope this favor was worth for your dad-it could blow up." (FN 763)

*FN 763: [redacted investigative technique] [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 763)*
On July 12, 2017 Emin Agalarov complained to Kaveladze that his father, Aras, "never listens" to him and that their relationship with "mr T has been thrown down the drain." (FN 764)

*FN 764: OSC-KAV 01197 (7/11-12/17 Text Messages, Kaveladze & E. Agalarov (End FN 764)*
The next month, Goldstone commented to Emin Agalarov about the volume of publicity the June 9 meeting had generated, stating that his "reputation [was] basically destroyed by this dumb meeting which your father insisted on even though Ike and Me told him would be bad news and
[Goldstone quote continued] not to do." (FN 765)

*FN 765: [redacted; investigative techniuqe] (End FN 765)*
Goldstone added, "I am not able to respond out of courtesy to you and your father. So am painted as some mysterious link to Putin." (FN 766)

*FN 766: [redacted; investigative technique] (End FN 766)*
After public reporting on the June 9 meeting began, representatives from the Trump Organization again reached out to participants. On July 10, 2017, Futerfas sent Goldstone an email with a proposed statement for Goldstone to issue, which read:
"As the person who arranged the meeting, I can definitively state that the statements I have read by Donald Trump Jr. are 100% accurate. The meeting was a complete waste of time and Don was never told Ms. Veselnitskaya 's name prior to the meeting.
[Proposed statement for Goldstone continued] Ms. Veselnitskaya mostly talked about the Magnitsky Act and Russian adoption laws and the meeting lasted 20 to 30 minutes at most. There was never any follow up and nothing ever came of the meeting." (End Statement) (FN 767)
*FN 767: 7 /10/17 Email, Goldstone to Futerfas & Garten (End FN 767)*
[Redacted; grand jury] the statement drafted by Trump Organization representatives was [Redacted; grand jury] (FN 768)

*FN 768: [Redacted; grand jury] (End FN 768)*
He proposed a different statement, asserting that he had been asked "by [his] client in Moscow - Emin Agalarov - to facilitate a meeting between a Russian attorney (Natalia Veselnitzkaya [sic]) and Donald Trump Jr.
The lawyer had apparently stated that she had some information regarding funding to the DNC from Russia, which she believed Mr. Trump Jr. might find interesting." (FN 769)

*FN 769: 7 /10/ 17 Email, Goldstone to Futerfas & Garten. (End FN 769)*
Goldstone never released either statement. (FN 770)

*FN 770: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 770)*
On the Russian end, there were also communications about what participants should say about the June 9 meeting. Specifically, the organization that hired Samochornov-an antiMagnitsky Act group controlled by Veselnitskaya and the owner of Prevezon-offered to pay $90,000 of
Samochornov 's legal fees. (FN 771)

*FN 771: Samochornov 7/13/17 302 at 1; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 771)*
At Veselnitskaya's request, the organization sent Samochornov a transcript of a Veselnitskaya press interview, and Samochornov understood that the organization would pay his legal fees only if ·he made statements consistent with Veselnitskaya's. (FN 772)
*FN 772: [redacted; grand jury] Samochorov 7/13/17 302, at 1. (End FN 772)*
Samochornov declined , telling the Office that he did not want to perjure himself. (FN 773)

*FN 773: Samochornov 7 /13/17 302, at 1 (End FN 773)*
The individual who conveyed Veselnitskaya 's request to Samochornov stated that he did not expressly condition payment on following Veselnitskaya 's answers but, in hindsight, recognized that by sending the transcript,
Samochornov could have interpreted the offer of assistance to be conditioned on his not contradicting Veselnitskaya's account. (FN 774)

*FN 774: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 774)*
Volume II, Section 11.G, infra, discusses interactions between President Trump, Trump Jr., and others in June and July 2017 regarding the June 9 meeting.
6. Events at the Republican National Convention

Trump Campaign officials met with Russian Ambassador Sergey Kislyak during the week of the Republican National Convention.
The evidence indicates that those interactions were brief and non-substantive.
During platform committee meetings immediately before the Convention, J.D. Gordon, a senior Campaign advisor on policy and national security, diluted a proposed amendment to the Republican Party platform expressing support for providing "lethal" assistance to
Ukraine in response to Russian aggression. Gordon requested that platform committee personnel revise the proposed amendment to state that only "appropriate" assistance be provided to Ukraine.
The original sponsor of the "lethal" assistance amendment stated that Gordon told her (the sponsor) that he was on the phone with candidate Trump in connection with his request to dilute the language.
Gordon denied making that statement to the sponsor, although he acknowledged it was possible he mentioned having previously spoken to the candidate about the subject matter.
The investigation did not establish that Gordon spoke to or was directed by the candidate to make that proposal. Gordon said that he sought the change because he believed the proposed language was inconsistent with Trump 's position on Ukraine.
a. Ambassador Kislyak's Encounters with Senator Sessions and J.D. Gordon the Week of the RNC
In July 2016, Senator Sessions and Gordon spoke at the Global Partners in Diplomacy event, a conference co-sponsored by the State Department and the Heritage Foundation held in Cleveland, Ohio the same week as the Republican National Convention (RNC or "Convention"). (FN 775)
*FN 775: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9; Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 22; Allan Smith, We Now Know More About why Jeff Sessions and a Russian Ambassador Crossed Paths at the Republican Convention, Business Insider (Mar. 2, 2017). (End FN 775)*
Approximately 80 foreign ambassadors to the United States, including Kislyak, were invited to the conference. (FN 776)
*FN 776: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9; Laura DeMarco, Global Cleveland and Sen. Bob Corker Welcome International Republican National Convention Guests, Cleveland Plain Dealer (July 20, 2016). (End FN 776)*
On July 20, 2016, Gordon and Sessions delivered their speeches at the conference. (FN 777)

*FN 777: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9; Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 22. (End FN 777)*
In his speech, Gordon stated in pertinent part that the United States should have better relations with Russia. (FN 778)

*FN 778: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9 (End FN 778)*
During Sessions's speech, he took questions from the audience, one of which may have been asked by Kislyak. (FN 779)

*FN 779: Sessions 1/17 /18 302, at 22; Luff 1/30/18 302, at 3. (End FN 779)*
When the speeches concluded, several ambassadors lined up to greet the speakers. (FN 780)

*FN 780: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9; Luff 1/30/18 302, at 3 (End FN 780)*
Gordon shook hands with Kislyak and reiterated that he had meant what he said in the speech about improving U.S.-Russia relations. (FN 781)

*FN 781: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9. (End FN 781)*
Sessions separately spoke with between six and 12 ambassadors, including Kislyak. (FN 782)
*FN 782: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 22; Luff 1/30/18 302, at 3; see also Volume I, Section IV.A.4.b, supra ( explaining that Sessions and Kislyak may have met three months before this encounter during a reception held on April 26, 2016, at the Mayflower Hotel). (End FN 782)*
Although Sessions stated during interviews with the Office that he had no specific recollection of what he discussed with Kislyak, he believed that the two spoke for only a few minutes and that they would have exchanged pleasantries and said some things about U.S.-RU relations.
(FN 783)

*FN 783: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 22. (End FN 783)*
Later that evening, Gordon attended a reception as part of the conference. (FN 784)

*FN 784: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9-10. (End FN 784)*
Gordon ran into Kislyak as the two prepared plates of food, and they decided to sit at the same table to eat. (FN 785)

*FN 785: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 9-10. (End FN 785)*
They were joined at that table by the ambassadors from Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan, and by Trump Campaign advisor Carter Page. (FN 786)
*FN 786: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10; see also Volume I, Section IV.A.3.d, supra (explaining that Page acknowledged meeting Kislyak at this event). (End FN 786)*
As they ate, Gordon and Kislyak talked for what Gordon estimated to have been three to five minutes , during which Gordon again mentioned that he meant what he said in his speech about improving U.S.-Russia relations. (FN 787)
*FN 787: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10. (End FN 787)*
b. Change to Republican Party Platform
In preparation for the 2016 Convention, foreign policy advisors to the Trump Campaign, working with the Repub. National Committee, reviewed the 2012 Convention's foreign policy platform to identify divergence between the earlier platform and candidate Trump's positions. (FN 788)
*FN 788: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10. (End FN 788)*
The Campaign team discussed toning down language from the 2012 platform that identified Russia as the country 's number one threat, given the candidate's belief that there needed to be better U.S. relations with Russia. (FN 789)

*FN 789: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10. (End FN 789)*
The RNC Platform Committee sent the 2016 draft platform to the National Security and Defense Platform Subcommittee on July 10, 2016, the evening before its first meeting to propose amendments. (FN 790)
*FN 790 Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10; Hoff 5/26/17 302, at 1-2 (End FN 790)*
Although only delegates could participate in formal discussions and vote on the platform, the Trump Campaign could request changes, and members of the Trump Campaign attended committee meetings. (FN 791)

*FN 791: Hoff 5/26/17 302, at 1; Gordon 9/7/17 302, at 10. (End FN 791)*
John Mashburn , the Campaign's policy director, helped oversee the Campaign's involvement in the platform committee meetings. (FN 792)

*FN 792: Mashburn 6/25/18 302, at 4; Manafort 9/20/18 302, at 7-8. (End FN 792)*
He told the Office that he directed Campaign staff at the Convention, including J.D. Gordon, to take a hands-off approach and only to challenge platform planks if they directly contradicted Trump 's wishes. (FN 793)
*793: Mashburn 6/25/18 302, at 4; Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10. (End FN 793)*
On July 11, 2016, delegate Diana Denman submitted a proposed platform amendment that included provision of armed support for Ukraine. (FN 794)

*FN 794: DENMAN 000001-02, DENMAN 000012, DENMAN 000021-22; Denman 12/4/17 302, at 1; Denman 6/7 /17 302, at 2. (End FN 794)*
The amendment described Russia's "ongoing military aggression" in Ukraine and announced "support" for "maintaining (and, if warranted, increasing) sanctions against Russia until Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity are fully restored" and
for "providing lethal defensive weapons to Ukraine 's armed forces and greater coordination with NATO on defense planning." (FN 795)

*FN 795: DENMAN 000001-02 , DENMAN 000012, DENMAN 000021-22. (End FN 795)*
Gordon reviewed the proposed platform changes, including Denman's. (FN 796)

*FN 796: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 10-11. (End FN 796)*
Gordon stated that he flagged this amendment because of Trump's stated position on Ukraine, which Gordon personally heard the candidate say at the March 31 foreign policy meeting--
--namely, that the Europeans should take primary responsibility for any assistance to Ukraine, that there should be improved U.S.-Russia relations, and that he did not want to start World War III over that region. (FN 797)
*FN 797: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 11; Gordon 9/7/17 302, at 11; Gordon 2/14/19 302, at 1-2, 5-6. (End FN 797)*
Gordon told the Office that Trump's statements on the campaign trail following the March meeting underscored those positions to the point where Gordon felt obliged to object to the proposed platform change and seek its dilution. (FN 798)
*FN 798: Gordon 2/14/19 302, at 5-6. (End FN 798)*
On July 11, 2016, at a meeting of the National Security and Defense Platform Subcommittee , Denman offered her amendment. (FN 799)

*FN 799: Denman 6/7/17 302, at 2; see DENMAN 000014. (End FN 799)*
Gordon and another Campaign staffer, Matt Miller, approached a committee co-chair and asked him to table the amendment to permit further discussion. (FN 800)
*FN 800: Denman 6/7/17 302, at 2; Denman 12/4/ 17 302, at 2; Gordon 9/7/17 302, at 11-12; see Hoff 5/26/17 302, at 2 (End FN 800)*
Gordon's concern with the amendment was the language about providing "lethal defensive weapons to Ukraine." (FN 801)

*FN 801: Denman 6/7/17 302, at 3. (End FN 801)*
Miller did not have any independent basis to believe that this language contradicted Trump's views and relied on Gordon's recollection of the candidate's views. (FN 802)

*FN 802: M. Miller 10/25/ 17 302 at 3. (End FN 802)*
According to Denman, she spoke with Gordon and Matt Miller, and they told her that they had to clear the language and that Gordon was "talking to New York." (FN 803)

*FN 803: Denman 12/4/17 302, at 2; Denman 6/7/17 302, at 2. (End FN 803)*
Denman told others that she was asked by the two Trump Campaign staffers to strike "lethal defense weapons " from the proposal but that she refused. (FN 804)

*FN 804: Hoff 5/26/17 302, at 2. (End FN 804)*
Demnan recalled Gordon saying that he was on the phone with candidate Trump, but she was skeptical whether that was true. (FN 805)

*FN 805: Denman 6/7/17 302, at 2-3, 3-4; Denman 12/4/17 302, at 2. (End FN 805)*
Gordon denied having told Denman that he was on the phone with Trump, although he acknowledged it was possible that he mentioned having previously spoken to the candidate about the subject matter. (FN 806)

*FN 806: Gordon 2/14/19 302, at 7. (End FN 806)*
Gordon's phone records reveal a call to Sessions's office in Washington that afternoon, but do not include calls directly to a number associated with Trump. (FN 807)
*FN 807: Call Records of J.D. Gordon [redacted; grand jury]. Gordon stated to the Office that his calls with Sessions were unrelated to the platform change. Gordon 2/14/19 302, at 7. (End FN 807)*
And according to the President's written answers to the Office's questions, he does not recall being involved in the change in language of the platform amendment. (FN 808)
*FN 808: *FN 808: Written Responses of Donald J. Trump (Nov. 20, 2018), at 17 (Response to Question IV, Part (f)). (End FN 808)*
Gordon stated that he tried to reach Rick Dearborn , a senior foreign policy advisor, and Mashburn, the Campaign policy director. Gordon stated that he connected with both of them (he could not recall if by phone or in person) and apprised them of the language he took issue with
in the proposed amendment. Gordon recalled no objection by either Dearborn or Mashburn and that all three Campaign advisors supported the alternative formulation ("appropriate assistance"). (FN 809)
*FN 809: Gordon 2/14/19 302, at 6-7; Gordon 9/7/17 302, at 11-12; see Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 11. (End FN 809)*
Gordon was more familiar with the Campaign's foreign policy stance. (FN 810)

*FN 810: Dearborn 11/28/17 302, at 7-8 (End FN 810)*
Mashburn stated that Gordon reached him, and he told Gordon that Trump had not taken a stance on the issue and that the Campaign should not intervene. (FN 811)

*FN 811: Mashburn 6/25/18 302, at 4. (End FN 811)*
When the amendment came up again in the committee 's proceedings , the subcommittee changed the amendment by striking the "lethal defense weapons" language and replacing it with "appropriate assistance." (FN 812)
*FN 812: Hoff 5/26/17 302, at 2-3; see Denman 12/4/ 17 302, at 2-3; Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 11. (End FN 812)*
Gordon stated that he and the subcommittee co-chair ultimately agreed to replace the language about armed assistance with "appropriate assistance."(FN 813)

*FN 813: Gordon 8/29/17 302, at 11; Gordon 9/7/17 302, at 12. (End FN 813)*
The subcommittee accordingly approved Denman's amendment but with the term "appropriate assistance." (FN 814)

*FN 814: Hoff 5/26/17 302, at 2-3. (End FN 814)*
Gordon stated that, to his recollection, this was the only change sought by the Campaign. (FN 815)

*FN 815: Gordon 2/14/19 302, at 6. (End FN 815)*
Sam Clovis, the Campaign's national co-chair and chief policy advisor, stated he was surprised by the change and did not believe it was in line with Trump's stance. (FN 816)

*FN 816: Clovis 10/3/17 302, at 10-11. (End FN 816)*
Mashburn stated that when he saw the word "appropriate assistance," he believed that Gordon had violated Mashburn's directive not to intervene. (FN 817)

*FN 817: Mashburn 6/25/18 302, at 4. (End FN 817)*
7. Post-Convention Contacts with Kislyak

Ambassador Kislyak continued his efforts to interact with Campaign officials with responsibility for the foreign-policy portfolio-among them Sessions and Gordon-in the weeks after the Convention.
The Office did not identify evidence in those interactions of coordination between the Campaign and the Russian government.
a. Ambassador Kislyak Invites J.D. Gordon to Breakfast at the Ambassador's Residence
On August 3, 2016, an official from the Embassy of the Russian Federation in the United States wrote to Gordon "[ o ]n behalf of' Ambassador Kislyak inviting Gordon "to have breakfast/tea with the Ambassador at his residence" in Washington, D.C. the following week. (FN 818)
*FN 818: DJTFP00004828 (8/3/16 Email, Pchelyakov [embassy@russianembassy.org] to Gordon). (End FN 818)*
Gordon responded five days later to decline the invitation. He wrote, "[t]hese days are not optimal for us, as we are busily knocking down a constant stream of false media stories while also preparing for the first debate with HRC.
Hope to take a raincheck for another time when things quiet down a bit. Please pass along my regards to the Ambassador." (FN 819)

*FN 819: DJTFP00004953 (8/8/16 Email, Gordon to embassy@russianembassy.org). (End FN 819)*
The investigation did not identify evidence that Gordon made any other arrangements to meet ( or met) with Kislyak after this email.
b. Senator Sessions's September 2016 Meeting with Ambassador Kislyak

Also in August 2016, a representative of the Russian Embassy contacted Sessions' s Senate office about setting up a meeting with Kislyak. (FN 820)

*FN 820: Luff 1 /30/18 302, at 5. (End FN 820)*
At the time, Sessions was a member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and would meet with foreign officials in that capacity. (FN 821)

*FN 821: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23-24; Luff 1/30/18 302, at 5. (End FN 821)*
But Sessions's staff reported , and Sessions himself acknowledged, that meeting requests from ambassadors increased substantially in 2016,
as Sessions assumed a prominent role in the Trump Campaign and his name was mentioned for potential cabinet-level positions in a future Trump Administration. (FN 822)
*FN 822: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23-24; Luff 1/30/ 18 302, at 5; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 3-5. (End FN 822)*
On September 8, 2016, Sessions met with Kislyak in his Senate office. (FN 823)
*FN 823: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23. (End FN 823)*
Sessions said that he believed he was doing the Campaign a service by meeting with foreign ambassadors, including Kislyak. (FN 824)

*FN 824: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23. (End FN 824)*
He was accompanied in the meeting by at least two of his Senate staff: Sandra Luff, his legislative director; and Pete Landrum, who handled military affairs. (FN 825)
*FN 825: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23; Luff 1/30/18 302, at 5-6; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 4-5 (stating he could not remember if election was discussed). (End FN 825)*
The meeting lasted less than 30 minutes. (FN 826)

*FN 826: Luff 1/30/18 302, at 6; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 5. (End FN 826)*
Sessions voiced concerns about Russia's sale of a missile-defense system to Iran, Russian planes buzzing U.S. military assets in the Middle East, and Russian aggression in emerging democracies such as Ukraine and Moldova. (FN 827)
*FN 827: Luff 1/30/18 302, at 6; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 4-5. (End FN 827)*
Kislyak offered explanations on these issues and complained about NATO land forces in former Soviet-bloc countries that border Russia. (FN 828)

*FN 828: Luff 1/30/18 302, at 6; Landrum 2/27/18 302 at 4-5. (End FN 828)*
Landrum recalled that Kislyak referred to the presidential campaign as "an interesting campaign," (FN 829) and Sessions also recalled Kislyak saying that the Russian government was receptive to the overtures Trump had laid out during his campaign. (FN 830)
*FN 829: Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 5. (End FN 829)*

*FN 830: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23. Sessions also noted that ambassadors came to him for information about Trump and hoped he would pass along information to Trump. Sessions 1/17118 302, at 23-24. (End FN 830)*
None of the attendees, though, remembered any discussion of Russian election interference or any request that Sessions convey information from the Russian government to the Trump Campaign. (FN 831)
*FN 831: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23; Luff 1/30/18 302, at 6; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 5. (End FN 831)*
During the meeting, Kislyak invited Sessions to further discuss U.S.-Russia relations with him over a meal at the ambassador's residence. (FN 832)

*FN 832: Luff 1/30/18 302, at 5; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 4. (End FN 832)*
Sessions was non-committal when Kislyak extended the invitation. After the meeting ended, Luff advised Sessions again st accepting the oneon-one meeting with Kislyak, whom she assessed to be an "old school KGB guy." (FN 833)

*FN 833: Luff 1/30/18 302, at 5. (End FN 833)*
Neither Luff nor Landrum recalled that Sessions followed up on the invitation or made any further effort to dine or meet with Kislyak before the November 2016 election. (FN 834)

*FN 834: Luff 1/30/18 302, at 6; Landrum 2/27/18 302, at 4-5. (End FN 834)*
Sessions and Landrum recalled that, after the election, some efforts were made to arrange a meeting between Sessions and Kislyak. (FN 835)

*FN 835: Sessions 1/17 /l 8 302, at 23. (End FN 835)*
According to Sessions, the request came through CNI and would have involved a meeting between Sessions and Kislyak , two other ambassadors, and the Governor of Alabama. (FN 836)

*FN 836: Sessions 1/17/18 302, at 23. (End FN 836)*
Sessions, however, was in New York on the day of the anticipated meeting and was unable to attend. (FN 837)

*FN 837: Sessions 1/ 17/18 302, at 23. (End FN 837)*
The investigation did not identify evidence that the two men met at any point after their September 8 meeting.
8. Paul Manafort
Paul Manafort served on the Trump Campaign, including a period as campaign chairman, from March to August 2016. (FN 838)

*FN 838: On August 21, 2018, Manafort was convicted in the Eastern District of Virginia on eight tax,
*FN 838 cont'd: Foreign Bank Account Registration (FBAR), and bank fraud charges. On September 14, 2018, Manafort pleaded guilty in the District of Columbia to (1) conspiracy to defraud the United States and conspiracy to commit offenses against the United States
*FN 838 cont'd: (money laundering, tax fraud, FBAR, Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), and FARA false statements), and (2) conspiracy to obstruct justice (witness tampering). Manafort also admitted criminal conduct with which he had been charged in the Eastern District
*FN 838 cont'd: of Virginia, but as to which the jury hung. The conduct at issue in both cases involved Manafort 's work in Ukraine and the money he earned for that work, as well as crimes after the Ukraine work ended. On March 7, 2019, Manafort was sentenced to 47 months
*FN 838 cont'd: of imprisonment in the Virginia prosecution. On March 13, the district court in D.C. sentenced Manafo1t to a total term of 73 months: 60 months on the Count 1 conspiracy (with 30 of those months to run concurrent to the Virginia sentence),
*FN 838 cont'd: and 13 months on the Count 1 conspiracy, to be served consecutive to the other two sentences. The two sentences resulted in a total term of 90 months. (End FN 838)*
Manafort had connections to Russia through his prior work for Russian oligarch Oleg Deripaska and later through his work for a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine.
Manafort stayed in touch with these contacts during the campaign period through Konstantin Kilimnik, a longtime Manafort employee who previously ran Manafort 's office in Kiev and who the FBI assesses to have ties to Russian intelligence.
Manafort instructed Rick Gates, his deputy on the Campaign and a longtime employee, (FN 839) to provide Kilimnik with updates on the Trump Campaign-including internal polling data, although Manafort claims not to recall that specific instruction.
*FN 839: As noted in Volume I, Section III.D. l .b, supra, Gates pleaded guilty to two criminal charges in the District of Columbia, including making a false statement to the FBI, pursuant to a plea agreement. He has provided information and in-court testimony that the Office has
*FN 839 cont'd: deemed to be reliable. See also Transcript at 16, United States v. Paul J Manafort, Jr., 1:17-cr-201 (D.D.C. Feb. 13, 2019), Doc. 514 ("Manafort 2/13/19 Transcript") (court's explanation of reasons to credit Oates's statements in one instance). (End FN 839)*
Manafort expected Kilimnik to share that information with others in Ukraine and with Deripaska. Gates periodically sent such polling data to Kilimnik during the campaign.
Manafort also twice met Kilimnik in the United States during the campaign period and conveyed campaign information.
The second meeting took place on August 2, 2016 , in New York City. Kilimnik requested the meeting to deliver in person a message from former Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych, who was then living in Russia.
The message was about a peace plan for Ukraine that Manafort has since acknowledged was a "backdoor" means for Russia to control eastern Ukraine.
Several months later, after the presidential election, Kilimnik wrote an email to Manafort expressing the view-which Manafort later said he shared-that the plan's success would require U.S. support to succeed:
"all that is required to start the process is a very minor 'wink' (or slight push) from [Donald Trump ]." (FN 840)
*FN 840: The email was drafted in Kilimnik's DMP account (in English) [Redacted; investigative technique] (End FN 840)*
The email also stated that if Manafort were designated as the U.S. representative and started the process, Yanukovych would ensure his reception in Russia "at the very top level."
Manafort communicated with Kilimnik about peace plans for Ukraine on at least four occasions after their first discussion of the topic on August 2: December 2016 (the Kilimnik email described above); January 2017; February 2017; and again in the spring of 2018.
The Office reviewed numerous Manafort email and text communications, and asked President Trump about the plan in written questions. (FN 841)
*FN 841: According to the President's written answers, he does not remember Manafort communicating to him any particular positions that Ukraine or Russia would want the United States to support. Written Responses of Donald J. Trump (Nov. 20, 2018), at 16-17
*FN 841 cont'd: (Response to Question IV, Part (d)). (End FN 841)*
The investigation did not uncover evidence ofManafort's passing along information about Ukrainian peace plans to the candidate or anyone else in the Campaign or the Administration.
The Office was not, however, able to gain access to all of Manafort 's electronic communications (in some instances , messages were sent using encryption applications).
And while Manafort denied that he spoke to members of the Trump Campaign or the new Administration about the peace plan, he lied to the Office and the grand jury about the peace plan and his meetings with Kilimnik,
and his unreliability on this subject was among the reasons that the district judge found that he breached his cooperation agreement. (FN 842)

*FN 842: Manafort made several false statements during debriefings.
*FN 842 cont'd: Based on that conduct, the Office determined that Manafort had breached his plea agreement and could not be a cooperating witness.
*FN 842 cont'd: The judge presiding in Manafort's D.C. criminal case found by a preponderance of the evidence that Manafort intentionally made multiple false statements to the FBI, the Office, and the grand jury concerning his interactions and communications with Kilimnik,
*FN 842 cont'd: (and concerning two other issues). Although the report refers at times to Manafort' s statements, it does so only when those statements are sufficiently corroborated to be trustworthy, to identify issues on which Manafort's untruthful responses may themselves be
*FN 842 cont'd: of evidentiary value, or to provide Manafort's explanations for certain events, even when we were unable to determine whether that explanation was credible. (End FN 842)*
The Office could not reliably determine Manafort's purpose in sharing internal polling date with Kilimnik during the campaign period.
Manafort [redacted; grand jury] did not see a downside to sharing campaign information, and told Gates that his role in the Campaign would be "good for business" and potentially a way to be made whole for work he previously completed in the Ukraine.
As to Deripaska, Manafort claimed that by sharing campaign information with him, Deripaska might see value in their relationship and resolve a "disagreement"-a reference to one or more outstanding lawsuits.
Because of questions about Manafort 's credibility and our limited ability to gather evidence on what happened to the polling data after it was sent to Kilimnik, the Office could not assess what Kilimnik (or others he may have given it to) did with it.
The Office did not identify evidence of a connection between Manafort 's sharing polling data and Russia's interference in the election, which had already been reported by U.S. media outlets at the time of the August 2 meeting.
The investigation did not establish that Manafort otherwise coordinated with the Russian government on its election-interference efforts.
a. Paul Manafort's Ties to Russia and Ukraine
Manafort' s Russian contacts during the campaign and transition periods stem from his consulting work for Deripaska from approximately 2005 to 2009 and his separate political consulting work in Ukraine from 2005 to 2015, including through his company DMP International LLC (DMI)
Kilimnik worked for Manafort in Kiev during this entire period and continued to communicate with Manafort through at least June 2018.
Kilimnik, who speaks and writes Ukrainian and Russian, facilitated many of Manafort's communications with Deripaska and Ukrainian oligarchs.
i. Oleg Deripaska Consulting Work

In approximately 2005, Manafort began working for Deripaska, a Russian oligarch who has a global empire involving aluminum and power companies and who is closely aligned with Vladimir Putin. (FN 843)
*FN 843: Pinchuk et al., Russian Tycoon Deripaska in Putin Delegation to China, Reuters (June 8, 2018). (End FN 843)*
A memorandum describing work that Manafort performed for Deripaska in 2005 regarding the post-Soviet republics referenced the need to brief the Kremlin and the benefits that the work could confer on "the Putin Government." (FN 844)
*FN 844: 6/23/05 Memo, Manafort & Davis to Deripaska & Rothchild. (End FN 844)*
Gates described the work Manafort did for Deripaska as "political risk insurance," and explained that Deripaska used Manafort to install friendly political officials in countries where Deripaska had business interests. (FN 845)

*FN 845: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 7. (End FN 845)*
Manafort's company earned tens of millions of dollars from its work for Deripaska and was loaned millions of dollars by Deripaska as well. (FN 846)
*FN 846: Manafort 9/20/18 302, at 2-5; Manafort Income by Year, 2005-2015; Manafort Loans from Wire Transfers, 2005-2015. (End FN 846)*
In 2007, Deripaska invested through another entity in Pericles Emerging Market Partners L.P. ("Pericles"), an investment fund created by Manafort and former Manafort business partner Richard Davis.
The Pericles fund was established to pursue investments in Eastern Europe. (FN 847)

*FN 847: Gates 3/12/18 302, at 5. (End FN 847)
Deripaska was the sole investor. (FN 848)

*FN 848: Manafort 12/16/15 Dep., at 157:8-11. (End FN 848)*
Gates stated in interviews with the Office that the venture led to a deterioration of the relationship between Manafort and Deripaska. (FN 849)

*FN 849: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 9. (End FN 849)*
In particular, when the fund failed, litigation between Manafort and Deripaska ensued. Gates stated that, by 2009, Manafort's business relationship with Deripaska had "dried up." (FN 850)

*FN 850: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 6. (End FN 850)*
According to Gates, various interactions with Deripaska and his intermediaries over the past few years have involved trying to resolve the legal dispute. (FN 851)

*FN 851: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 9-10. (End FN 851)*
As described below, in 2016, Manafort, Gates, Kilimnik, and others engaged in efforts to revive the Deripaska relationship and resolve the litigation.
ii. Political Consulting Work

Through Deripaska, Manafort was introduced to Rinat Akhmetov, a Ukrainian oligarch who hired Manafort as a political consultant. (FN 852)

*FN 852: Manafort 7 /30/14 302, at 1; Manafort 9/20/18 302, at 2. (End FN 852)*
In 2005, Akhmetov hired Manafort to engage in political work supporting the Party of Regions, (FN 853) a political party in Ukraine that was generally understood to align with Russia.

*FN 853: Manafort 9/11/18 302, at 5-6. (End FN 853)*
Manafort assisted the Party of Regions in regaining power , and its candidate , Viktor Yanukovych, won the presidency in 2010. Manafort became a close and trusted political advisor to Yanukovych during his time as President of Ukraine.
Yanukovych served in that role until 2014, when he fled to Russia amidst popular protests. (FN 854)

*FN 854: Gates 3/16/18 302, at 1; Davis 2/8/18 302, at 9; Devine 7/6/18 302, at 2-3. (FN 854)*
iii. Konstantin Kilimnik
Kilimnik is a Russian national who has lived in both Russia and Ukraine and was a longtime Manafort employee. (FN 855)

*FN 855: Patten 5/22/18 302, at 5; Gates 1/29/18 302, at 18-19; 10/28/97 Kilimnik Visa Record, U.S. Department of State. (End FN 855)*
Kilimnik had direct and close access to Yanukovych and his senior entourage, and he facilitated communications between Manafort and his clients, including Yanukovych and multiple Ukrainian oligarchs. (FN 856)
*FN 856: Gates 1/29/18 302, at 18-19; Patten 5/22/18 302, at 8; Gates 1/31/18 302, at 4-5; Gates 1/30/18 302, at 2; Gates 2/2/18 302, at 11. (End FN 856)*
Kilimnik also maintained a relationship with Deripaska's deputy, Viktor Boyarkin, (FN 857) a Russian national who previously served in the defense attache office of the Russian Embassy to the United States. (FN 858)
*FN 857: Gates 1/29/18 302, at 18; Patten 5/22/18 302, at 8. (End FN 857)*

*FN 858: Boyarkin Visa Record, U.S. Department of State. (End FN 858)*
Manafort told the Office that he did not believe Kilimnik was working as a Russian "spy." (FN 859)

*FN 859: Manafort 9/11/18 302, at 5. (End FN 859)*
The FBI, however, assesses that Kilimnik has ties to Russian intelligence. (FN 860)
Several pieces of the Office 's evidence-including witness interviews and emails obtained through court-authorized search warrants-support that assessment:
Kilimnik was born on April 27, 1970, in Dnipropetrovsk Ob last, then of the Soviet Union , and attended the Military Institute of the Ministry of Defense from 1987 until 1992. (FN 861)

*FN 861: 12/17/16 Kilimnik Visa Record, U.S. Department of State. (End FN 861)*
Sam Patten, a business partner to Kilimnik, (FN 862) stated that Kilimnik told him that he was a translator in the Russian army for seven years and that he later worked in the Russian armament industry selling arms and military equipment. (FN 863)
*FN 862: In August 2018, Patten pleaded guilty pursuant to a plea agreement to violating the Foreign Agents Registration Act, and admitted in his Statement of Offense that he also misled and withheld documents from the Senate Select Committee on Intelligence in the
*FN 862 cont'd: course of its investigation of Russian election interference. Plea Agreement, U.S. v. W. Samuel Patten, 1: 18-cr-260 (D.D.C. Aug. 31, 2018), Doc. 6; Statement of Offense, U.S. v. W. Samuel Patten, 1: 18-cr-260 (D.D.C. Aug. 31, 2018), Doc. 7. (End FN 862)*
*FN 863: Patten 5/22/18 302, at 5-6. (End FN 863)*
U.S. government visa records reveal that Kilimnik obtained a visa to travel to the United States with a Russian diplomatic passport in 1997. (FN 864)

*FN 864: 10/28/97 Kilimnik Visa Record, U.S. Department of State. (End FN 864)*
Kilimnik worked for the International Republican Institute's (IRI) Moscow office, where he did translation work and general office management from 1998 to 2005. (FN 865)

*FN 865: Nix 3/30/18 302, at 1-2 (End FN 865)*
While another official recalled the incident differently,(FN 866) one former associate of Kilimnik's at TRI told the FBI that Kilimnik was fired from his post because his links to Russian intelligence were too strong.

*FN 866: Nix 3/30/18 302, at 2. (End FN 866)*
The same individual stated that it was well known at IRI that Kilimnik had links to the Russian government. (FN 867)

*FN 867: Lenzi 1 /30/18 302, at 2. (End FN 867)*
Jonathan Hawker, a British national who was a public relations consultant at FTI Consulting, worked with DMI on a public relations campaign for Yanukovych.
After Hawker 's work for DMI ended, Kilimnik contacted Hawker about working for a Russian government entity on a public -relations project that would promote, in Western and Ukrainian media, Russia's position on its 2014 invasion of Crimea. (FN 868)
*FN 868: Hawker 1/9/18 302, at 13; 3/18/14 Email, Hawker & Tulukbaev.(End FN 868)*
Gates suspected that Kilimnik was a "spy," a view that he shared with Manafort, Hawker, and Alexander van der Zwaan, (FN 869) an attorney who had worked with DMI on a report for the Ukrainian Ministry of ForeignAffairs. (FN 870)
*FN 869: van der Zwaan pleaded guilty in the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia to making false statements to the Special Counsel's Office. Plea Agreement, United States v. Alex van der Zwaan, 1:18-cr-31 (D.D.C. Feb. 20, 2018), Doc. 8. (End FN 869)*
*FN 870: Hawker 6/9/18 302, at 4; van der Zwaan 11/3/17 302, at 22. Manafort said in an interview that Gates had joked with Kilimnik about Kilimnik's going to meet with his KGB handler. Manafort 10/16/18 302, at 7 (End FN 870)*
[reacted, investigative technique]
b. Contacts during Paul Manafort's Time with the Trump Campaign

i. Paul Manafort Joins the Campaign
Manafort served on the Trump Campaign from late March to August 19, 2016. On March 29, 2016, the Campaign announced that Manafort would serve as the Campaign's "Convention Manager." (FN 871)
*FN 871: Press Release-DonaldJ. Trump Announces Campaign Convention Manager Paul J. Manafort, The American Presidency Project - U.C. Santa Barbara (Mar. 29, 2016). (End FN 871)*
On May 19, 2016 , Manafort was promoted to campaign chairman and chief strategist, and Gates, who had been assisting Manafort on the Campaign, was appointed deputy campaign chairman. (FN 872)
*FN 872: Gates 1/29/18 302, at 8; Meghan Keneally, Timeline of Manafort 's role in the Trump Campaign, ABC News (Oct. 20, 2017). (End FN 872)*
Thomas Barrack and Roger Stone both recommended Manafort to candidate Trump. (FN 873)

*FN 873: Gates 1/29/18 302, at 7-8; Manafort 9/1 1/18 302, at 1-2; Barrack 12/12/17 302, at 3. (End 873)*
In early 2016, at Manafort' s request, Barrack suggested to Trump that Manafort join the Campaign to manage the Republican Convention. (FN 874)

*FN 874: Barrack 12/12/17 302, at 3; Gates 1/29/18 302, at 7-8. (End FN 874)*
Stone had worked with Manafort from approximately 1980 until the mid-1990s through various consulting and lobbying firms.
Manafort met Trump in 1982 when Trump hired the Black, Manafort, Stone and Kelly lobbying firm. (FN 875)

*FN 875: Manafort 10/16/18 302, at 6. (End FN 875)*
Over the years, Manafort saw Trump at political and social events in New York City and at Stone's wedding, and Trump requested VIP status at the 1988 and 1996 Republican conventions worked by Manafort. (FN 876)

*FN 876: Manafort 10/16/18 302, at 6. (End FN 876)*
According to Gates, in March 2016, Manafort traveled to Trump's Mar-a-Lago estate in Florida to meet with Trump. Trump hired him at that time. (FN 877)

*FN 877:Gates 2/2/18 3 02, at 10. (End FN 877)*
Manafort agreed to work on the Campaign without pay. Manafort had no meaningful income at this point in time, but resuscitating his domestic political campaign career could be financially beneficial in the future.
Gates reported that Manafort intended, if Trump won the Presidency, to remain outside the Administration and monetize his relationship with the Administration. (FN 878)

*FN 878: Gates 1/30/18 302, at 4. (End FN 878)*
ii. Paul Manafort's Campaign-Period Contacts
Immediately upon joining the Camp., Manafort directed Gates to prepare for his review separate memoranda addressed to Deripaska, Akhmetov, Serhiy Lyovochkin, and Boris Kolesnikov,(FN 879) the last three being Ukrainian oligarchs who were senior Opposition Bloc officials. (FN 880)
*FN 879: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 11. (End FN 879)

*FN 880: See Sharon LaFraniere, Manafort's Trial Isn't About Russia, but It Will Be in the Air, New York Times (July 30, 2018); Tierney Sneed, Prosecutors Believe Manafort Made $60 Million Consulting in Ukraine,
*FN 880 cont'd: Talking Points Memo (July 30, 2018); Mykola Vorobiov, How Pro-Russian Forces Will Take Revenge on Ukraine, Atlantic Council (Sept. 23, 2018); Sergii Leshchenko, Ukraine's Oligarchs Are Still Calling the Shots, Foreign Policy (Aug. 14, 2014);
*FN 880 cont'd: Interfax-Ukraine, Kolesnikov: Inevitability of Punishment Needed for Real Fight Against Smuggling in Ukraine, Kyiv Post (June 23, 2018); Igor Kossov, Kyiv Hotel Industry Makes Room for New Entrants, Kyiv Post (Mar. 7, 2019); Markian Kuzmowycz,
*FN 880 cont'd: How the Kremlin Can Win Ukraine's Elections, Atlantic Council (Nov. 19, 2018). The Opposition Bloc is a Ukraine political party that largely reconstituted the Party of Regions. (End FN 880)*
The memoranda described Manafort' s appointment to the Trump Campaign and indicated his willingness to consult on Ukrainian politics in the future.
On March 30, 2016, Gates emailed the memoranda and a press release announcing Manafort' s appointment to Kilimnik for translation and dissemination. (FN 881)

*FN 881: 3/30/16 Email, Gates to Kilimnik. (End FN 881)*
Manafort later followed up with Kilimnik to ensure his messages had been delivered, emailing on April 11, 2016 to ask whether Kilimnik had shown "our friends" the media coverage of his new role. (FN 882)

*FN 882: 4/11/16 Email, Manafort & Kilimnik. (End 882)*
Kilimnik replied, "Absolutely. Every article." Manafort further asked: "How do we use to get whole. Has Ovd [Oleg Vladimirovich Deripaska] operation seen?"
Kilimnik wrote back the same day, "Yes, I have been sending everything to Victor [Boyarkin, Deripaska's deputy], who has been forwarding the coverage directly to OVD." (FN 883)

*FN 883: 4/11/16 Email, Manafort & Kilimnik. (End FN 883)*
Gates reported that Manafort said that being hired on the Campaign would be "good for business" and increase the likelihood that Manafort would be paid the approximately $2 million he was owed for previous political consulting work in Ukraine. (FN 884)
*FN 884: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 10. (End FN 884)*
Gates also explained to the Office that Manafort thought his role on the Campaign could help "confirm" that Deripaska had dropped the Pericles lawsuit, and that Gates believed Manafort sent polling data to Deripaska (as discussed further below) so
that Deripaska would not move forward with his lawsuit against Manafort. (FN 885)

*FN 885: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 11; Gates 9/27/18 302 (serial 740), at 2. (End FN 885)*
Gates further stated that Deripaska wanted a visa to the United States, that Deripaska could believe that having Manafort in a position inside the Campaign or Administration might be helpful to Deripaska, and that Manafort's relationship with Trump could help Deripaska in
other ways as well. (FN 886)

*FN 886: Gates 2/2/18 3 02, at 12. (End FN 886)*
Gates stated, however, that Manafort never told him anything specific about what, if anything, Manafort might be offering Deripaska. (FN 887)

*FN 887: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 12. (End FN 887)*
Gates also reported that Manafort instructed him in April 2016 or early May 2016 to send Kilimnik Campaign internal polling data and other updates so that Kilimnik, in turn, could share it with Ukrainian oligarchs. (FN 888)

*FN 888: Gates 1/31/18 302, at 17; Gates 9/27 /18 302
*FN 888 cont'd: (serial 740), at 2. In a later interview with the Office, Gates stated that Manafmt directed him to send polling data to Kilimnik after a May 7, 2016 meeting between Manafmt and Kilimnik in New York, discussed in Volume I, Section IV.A.8.b.iii,
*FN 888 cont'd: infra. Gates 11/7/18 302, at 3. (End FN 888)*
Gates understood that the information would also be shared with Deripaska [redacted; grand jury] (FN 889)

*FN 889: Gates 9/27/18 302, Part II, at 2; [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 889)*
Gates reported to the Office that he did not know why Manafort wanted him to send polling information , but Gates thought it was a way to showcase Manafort's work, and Manafort wanted to open doors to jobs after the Trump Campaign ended. (FN 890)
*FN 890: Gates 2/12/18 302, at 10; Gates 1/31/18 302, at 17. (End FN 890)*
Gates said that Manafort's instruction included sending internal polling data prepared for the Trump Campaign by pollster Tony Fabrizio. (FN 891)

*FN 891: Gates 9/27/18 302 (serial 740), at 2; Gates 2/7/18 302, at 15. (End FN 891)*
Fabrizio had worked with Manafort for years and was brought into the Campaign by Manafort.
Gates stated that, in accordance with Manafort's instruction , he periodically sent Kilimnik polling data via WhatsApp; Gates then deleted the communications on a daily basis. (FN 892)

*FN 892: Gates 1/31/18 302, at 17. (End FN 892)*
Gates further told the Office that, after Manafort left the Campaign in mid-August, Gates sent Kilimnik polling data less frequently and that the data he sent was more publicly available information and less internal data. (FN 893)
*FN 893: Gates 2/12/18 302, at 11-12. According to Gates, his access to internal polling data was more limited because Fabrizio was himself distanced from the Campaign at that point. (End FN 893)*
Gate's account about polling date is consistent [redacted; grand jury] (FN 894)

*FN 894: [Redacted; grand jury] (End FN 894)*
[Redacted; grand jury] with with multiple emails that Kilimnik sent to U.S. associates and press contacts between late July and mid-August of 2016. Those emails referenced "internal polling," described the status of the Trump Campaign and Manafort's role in it,
and assessed Trump's prospects for victory. (FN 895)

*FN 895: 8/18/16 Email, Kilimnik to Dirkse; 8/18/16
*FN 895 cont'd: Email, Kilimnik to Schultz; 8/18/ 16 Email, Kilimnik to Marson; 7/27/16 Email, Kilimnik to Ash; 8/18/16 Email, Kilimnik to Ash; 8/ 18/ 16 Email, Kilimnik to Jackson; 8/18/16 Email, Kilimnik to Mendoza-Wilson; 8/19/16 Email, Kilimnik to Patten. (End FN 895)*
Manafort did not aknowledge instructing Gates to send Kilimnik internal data, [redacted; grand jury] (FN 896)

*FN 896: [redacted; grand jury] (End FN 896)*
The Office also obtained contemporaneous emails that shed light on the purpose of the communications with Deripaska and that are consistent with Gates's account.
For example, in response to a July 7, 20 I 6, email from a Ukrainian reporter about Manafort ' s failed Deripaskabacked investment, Manafort asked Kilimnik whether there had been any movement on "this issue with our friend." (FN 897)
*FN 897: 7/7/16 Email, Manafort to Kilimnik. (End FN 897)*
Gates stated that "our friend" likely referred to Deripaska,(FN 898) and Manafort told the Office that the "issue" (and "our biggest interest," as stated below) was a solution to the Deripaska-Pericles issue. (FN 899)

*FN 898: Gates 2/2/18 302, at 13. (End FN 898)*
*FN 899: Manafort 9/ 11/18 302, at 6. (End FN 899)*
Kilimnik replied:
I am carefully optimistic on the question of our biggest interest.
Our friend [Boyarkin] said there is lately significantly more attention to the campaign in his boss' [Deripaska's] mind, and he will be most likely looking for ways to reach out to you pretty
[Kilimnik quote cont'd:] soon, understanding all the time sensitivity. I am more than sure that it will be resolved and we will get back to the original relationship with V. 's boss [Deripaska]. (FN 900)
*FN 900: 7/8/16 Email, Kilimnik to Manafort. (End FN 900)*
Eight minutes later, Manafort replied that Kilimnik should tell Boyarkin's "boss," a reference to Deripaska, "that if he needs private briefings we can accommodate." (FN 901)

*FN 901: 7/8/16 Email, Kilimnik to Manafort; Gates 2/2/18 302, at 13. (End FN 901)*
Manafort has alleged to the Office that he was willing to brief Deripaska only on public campaign matters and gave an example: why Trump selected Mike Pence as the Vice-Presidential running mate. (FN 902)

*FN 902: Manafort 9/11/18 302, at 6. (End FN 902)*
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