This article is correct about the importance of history and the urgency of a more historically-informed public debate. But it erects a series of straw men in its attack on academic history. So here's a response. [THREAD]
1. First: when did histories of "the marginal", "the poor" & "the everyday" stop being "matters of state"? Revolutions are made by the poor & the dispossessed. Populist movts are driven by people who are or feel "left behind". Govts fall over "everyday" issues of jobs & services.
2. One of the great feminist insights was that "the personal is political". Politics is about power, & power is exercised in the home, the family & the workplace. The state never stood apart from that: it jailed homosexuals, barred women from employment, regulated sex & marriage.
3. Every great liberation movt of the modern era created a school of history: Black history, women's history, queer history, labour history. This wasn't a retreat from politics: it recognised that the stories we tell about the past - & who we include in it - have political power.
4. In the age of Grenfell, Windrush, a social care crisis, child detention centres, a President telling Congresswomen of colour to "go home", agonised debates over trans issues, surging use of food banks, the histories of the "marginal" are more than ever "great matters of state"
5. Then there's the second charge: that historians should stop "fiddling with their footnotes" and get out of their "professional cocoons". No one enjoys writing footnotes, but in an age of "fake news" & faith-based politics, they anchor historical writing in evidence & argument.
6. "Fiddling with his footnotes" was what allowed Richard Evans to dismantle David Irving's Holocaust revisionism. It stopped @deborahlipstadt's book being pulped when Irving sued her for libel. And in a collaborative profession, it's how we give credit to other people's work.
@deborahlipstadt 7. Footnotes are a safeguard for the reader, allowing them to check the evidence behind our claims. They force us to question received opinion: to test whether the evidence really supports it. "Fiddling with footnotes" isn't a distraction from big new ideas: it's how they begin.
@deborahlipstadt 8. As for their "professional cocoons": academia has never been so public-facing. Academics curate exhibitions, advise TV documentaries, talk to journalists, do interviews, write for magazines, visit schools, advise museums. This is almost all unpaid & on top of our normal jobs.
@deborahlipstadt 9. "Popular history" & "academic history" are not separate worlds. The charismatic, good-looking historian on TV didn't start with a blank sheet of paper. They're communicating - often brilliantly - the work of a whole scholarly community. Done well, it's mutually enriching.
@deborahlipstadt 10. Like "applied science", public history is not just *compatible* with "pure" or "theoretical" study; it actively *depends* on it. Who would have thought the history of jihadist theology was "relevant" in the 90s? Or of the Bennite left before 2015? Or of Huey Long pre-Trump?
@deborahlipstadt 11. History is about expanding our sense of the possible. It teaches us that the world we live in is contingent & changeable; that things we take for granted can break & be broken. Historians should *actively seek out* things that don't seem relevant or immediate to the present.
@deborahlipstadt 12. I believe passionately in public history, though it's not always easy in a culture that privileges controversy for its own sake, trashes expertise & travesties what academics actually do. Journalists have responsibilities here, too. Let's all aspire to do better. [ENDS]
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If Lincoln spoke to "the better angels of our nature", Trump calls to our demons. His return is a moral as well as political tragedy.
As others study his example, progressives will need to think harder about how to respond. As so often, I've been thinking about Gladstone...🧵
Gladstone saw politics as a moral struggle, for the conscience of the people.
It was a struggle that could be lost: humans were sinful, and could be corrupted or deceived.
But ultimately, "the demos" was the only tribunal in which a progressive politics could put its faith.
So at moments of crisis, Gladstone would take his case to working-class audiences, speaking for hours on complex questions of foreign policy or finance.
He treated working people with respect, as people of conscience; people who could handle complexity & rise to moral judgement.
The 2024 election saw the worst Conservative defeat in history, producing their lowest number of seats, lowest vote share & highest number of ministers unseated.
I've been writing about the "crisis of Conservatism" for years, and have collected some key pieces below. ⬇️ [THREAD]
In 2019 I wrote in the @NewStatesman about "The Closing of the Conservative Mind".
"British Conservatism has broken with three of its most important traditions. It has stopped thinking, it has stopped “conserving” & it has lost its suspicion of ideology". newstatesman.com/politics/2019/…
Later in 2019, I explored the abuse of history in talk of "Global Britain", showing how Boris Johnson & his allies "use the past to imagine the future".
"As so often, history becomes the mask worn by ideology, when it wants to be mistaken for experience". newstatesman.com/politics/2019/…