Robert Saunders Profile picture
Jul 25, 2019 13 tweets 5 min read Read on X
This article is correct about the importance of history and the urgency of a more historically-informed public debate. But it erects a series of straw men in its attack on academic history. So here's a response. [THREAD]
1. First: when did histories of "the marginal", "the poor" & "the everyday" stop being "matters of state"? Revolutions are made by the poor & the dispossessed. Populist movts are driven by people who are or feel "left behind". Govts fall over "everyday" issues of jobs & services.
2. One of the great feminist insights was that "the personal is political". Politics is about power, & power is exercised in the home, the family & the workplace. The state never stood apart from that: it jailed homosexuals, barred women from employment, regulated sex & marriage.
3. Every great liberation movt of the modern era created a school of history: Black history, women's history, queer history, labour history. This wasn't a retreat from politics: it recognised that the stories we tell about the past - & who we include in it - have political power.
4. In the age of Grenfell, Windrush, a social care crisis, child detention centres, a President telling Congresswomen of colour to "go home", agonised debates over trans issues, surging use of food banks, the histories of the "marginal" are more than ever "great matters of state"
5. Then there's the second charge: that historians should stop "fiddling with their footnotes" and get out of their "professional cocoons". No one enjoys writing footnotes, but in an age of "fake news" & faith-based politics, they anchor historical writing in evidence & argument.
6. "Fiddling with his footnotes" was what allowed Richard Evans to dismantle David Irving's Holocaust revisionism. It stopped @deborahlipstadt's book being pulped when Irving sued her for libel. And in a collaborative profession, it's how we give credit to other people's work.
@deborahlipstadt 7. Footnotes are a safeguard for the reader, allowing them to check the evidence behind our claims. They force us to question received opinion: to test whether the evidence really supports it. "Fiddling with footnotes" isn't a distraction from big new ideas: it's how they begin.
@deborahlipstadt 8. As for their "professional cocoons": academia has never been so public-facing. Academics curate exhibitions, advise TV documentaries, talk to journalists, do interviews, write for magazines, visit schools, advise museums. This is almost all unpaid & on top of our normal jobs.
@deborahlipstadt 9. "Popular history" & "academic history" are not separate worlds. The charismatic, good-looking historian on TV didn't start with a blank sheet of paper. They're communicating - often brilliantly - the work of a whole scholarly community. Done well, it's mutually enriching.
@deborahlipstadt 10. Like "applied science", public history is not just *compatible* with "pure" or "theoretical" study; it actively *depends* on it. Who would have thought the history of jihadist theology was "relevant" in the 90s? Or of the Bennite left before 2015? Or of Huey Long pre-Trump?
@deborahlipstadt 11. History is about expanding our sense of the possible. It teaches us that the world we live in is contingent & changeable; that things we take for granted can break & be broken. Historians should *actively seek out* things that don't seem relevant or immediate to the present.
@deborahlipstadt 12. I believe passionately in public history, though it's not always easy in a culture that privileges controversy for its own sake, trashes expertise & travesties what academics actually do. Journalists have responsibilities here, too. Let's all aspire to do better. [ENDS]

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More from @redhistorian

Jul 7
The 2024 election saw the worst Conservative defeat in history, producing their lowest number of seats, lowest vote share & highest number of ministers unseated.

I've been writing about the "crisis of Conservatism" for years, and have collected some key pieces below. ⬇️ [THREAD]
In 2019 I wrote in the @NewStatesman about "The Closing of the Conservative Mind".

"British Conservatism has broken with three of its most important traditions. It has stopped thinking, it has stopped “conserving” & it has lost its suspicion of ideology". newstatesman.com/politics/2019/…
Later in 2019, I explored the abuse of history in talk of "Global Britain", showing how Boris Johnson & his allies "use the past to imagine the future".

"As so often, history becomes the mask worn by ideology, when it wants to be mistaken for experience".
newstatesman.com/politics/2019/…
Read 10 tweets
Aug 19, 2023
The most powerful idea in British politics is "the economy".

Parties promise to "grow", "unleash" or "manage" the economy.

It tops lists of voter concerns.

But what if we had no concept of "the economy"?

Until the C20th, we didn't. And its rise has had major consequences...🧵 Image
1. If you had told Mr Gladstone that "the economy has grown this year", he would not have understood what you meant.

Gladstone was the most financially literate statesman of the C19th.

But the idea of something called "the economy", which could "grow" or "shrink", did not exist Image
2. Even in the C20th, as economic questions roared up the agenda, talk of "THE economy" entered political usage quite slowly.

It first appeared in a major manifesto in 1950 & didn't get its own section until 1955.

That's also when terms like "economic growth" appeared in Parlt. Image
Read 16 tweets
Jun 13, 2023
There's a hugely important vote in the Lords today, where @GreenJennyJones will attempt to kill a Statutory Instrument changing the law of protest.

The Lords almost never block SIs, so this raises big constitutional qs.

Here's why Labour *should* back the "fatal motion" 🧵...
1. SIs are a form of "secondary legislation": law made directly by ministers, rather than by passing a bill through Parliament.

They are meant to fill in the details of "primary", or parliamentary, legislation.

But this one is being used to *overturn* a decision by Parliament.
2. When the government proposed these changes in the 2023 Public Order Bill, the House of Lords voted them down.

Ministers are now trying to overturn that defeat by issuing a Statutory Instrument.

That's a very new use of these powers, with serious implications for Parliament. Image
Read 10 tweets
Jun 12, 2023
I agree with Anthony Seldon about the damage Boris Johnson has done and his unfitness for public office.

But there's a question he doesn't address here, which needs more attention.

It troubled me about his book, too. So let me try to explain... 🧵
thetimes.co.uk/article/boris-…
1. If Johnson was so manifestly unsuited to office - if his "deep character flaws" were formed so early - how did he rise to power?

What does that say about our democracy, or the qualities we reward in potential leaders?

And what was the role of the commentariat? Image
2. Unlike many of Johnson's chroniclers, Seldon was not always a critic.

In many respects, that strengthens his case. He didn't set out to write a hatchet job. He followed where the evidence led.

But his earlier writing tells us something important about Johnson's rise to power
Read 16 tweets
Jun 9, 2023
This isn't a resignation statement; it's a temper tantrum.

And its central claim is untrue.

Johnson says he was "forced out anti-democratically" by a "kangaroo court".

So let's remind ourselves of the process from which he has chosen to run away... 🧵
bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politi…
1. Johnson was accused of a serious parliamentary offence: misleading the House.

That triggered a 3-step process.

Step one: an investigation by the Privileges Committee, which has a majority of Tory MPs.

Its chair recused himself, & the taxpayer funded Johnson's legal advice.
2. The committee has no power to remove an MP from the House.

It can only recommend a penalty to Parliament: in this case, that Johnson be suspended for more than 10 days.

That brings us to step two: a vote in the House of Commons, which has a Tory majority of nearly 80 seats.
Read 9 tweets
Jun 7, 2023
I'm a great fan of @lewis_goodall, who argues here for televising the courts.

But respectfully, I don't think the arguments for televising Parliament and televising court cases are analogous.

A few thoughts... 🧵
@lewis_goodall 1. The case for televising Parliament is that voters should know what their elected representatives are saying and doing in their name, so that we can hold them to account at the ballot box.

All those involved are public officials, who are directly responsible to those outside.
2. By contrast, court cases involve private citizens - most of whom have been accused of no crime, but who may be recounting situations of extreme distress, trauma or personal embarrassment.

Those involved are accountable for their conduct, not to public opinion, but to the law.
Read 6 tweets

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