1. Tonight I was watching a Firing Line episode from March 1997, as one does, and was really surprised by something. This panel of 4 National Review writers, serious conservatives all, basically said that the GOP needed to go all in on the culture war. digitalcollections.hoover.org/objects/7330
2. I've been told by many contemporary Never Trump conservatives that theirs was a party interested in fiscal responsibility & good governance. Trumpist pandering to the anxieties of white people, esp. evangelicals & rural folks, was not at the center of "their" conservatism.
3. But here's John O'Sullivan, editor of the National Review at the time, saying this to William F. Buckley, the founder of that magazine. "In 1994 the Republicans went on an economic ticket, yet those are not the issues that are principally concerning people at the moment..."
4. "...What worries people in this country is what I think one might call the fraying of America, and it’s to do with questions like Affirmative Action, and quotas, and like the English language issue, and multiculturalism in general..."
5. "...And they are issues which are lying out there for some entrepreneur to pick up, put together in an attractive political package, and exploit. But the problem is, the Republicans are terrified of them." That's John O'Sullivan, basically saying we need a Trump-like figure.
6. A few minutes later, Buckley asks O’Beirne if there’s the will in the current GOP house and senate to prioritize this conservative cultural agenda. The primary obstacles she sees are the senior Republicans from the Northeast who are more liberal on cultural issues.
7. To go all in on aggressive cultural conservatism, she suggests, the GOP would have to purge the few remaining moderates. Remember, this is a friendly conversation amongst National Review writers, the self-understood "reasonable conservatives."
8. Around the 22:00 mark the panel coalesces around the idea that Gingrich should abandon his priorities like the balanced budget amendment and term limits and instead double down on the issues "that conservatives care most about," i.e. the culture war issues.
9. The conversation ends with a discussion of why Gingrich is so unpopular. The panel agrees that it's largely the media's fault because they've been so unfair to him. Ponuru says that if only the public could encounter Gingrich in 30 minute, extended form then he'd do better.
10. The panelists then settle on sour grapes as the reason for why the nation's thinking class doesn't like Gingrich. As a PHD he's a "traitor to his class" by being a conservative, hence they simply refuse to take him seriously.
11. Ya know, it's not that, well, Newt was incapable of stringing more than two ideas together without sounding like a kook in front of a string-laden white board.
12. In sum, as early as 1997 Nat'l Review conservatives saw cultural "issues wch are lying out there" just waiting "for some entrepreneur to pick up, put together in an attractive political package, & exploit." That wish came true in 2016, tho maybe in a pkg they didn't imagine.
13. Little did these folks know that they'd soon get the politics of moral panic delivered to them on a silver platter, in the form of the Lewinsky scandal and subsequent impeachment process. slate.com/news-and-polit…
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The rightward lurch of the GOP since 2015 has led many to ask "when did it start?" and "how did it happen?" I've been researching the Oregon chapter of that story, and it's clear that 1970 was a key turning point, and that it was a bottom up more than a top down story.
People on the far right mobilized at the county level across the state and almost succeeded in taking over the party in 1970. That would have been shocking since the Oregon GOP Senators Hatfield & Packwood were known for their moderation, if not outright liberalism at the time.
Walter Huss and his fellow "ultraconservatives" continued organizing at the local level and in 1978 finally succeeded in taking over the state GOP. Huss was removed from his chair position after a few disastrous months, but it had a lasting impact.
If you’d told me in 1989 when I was a student in Gordon Wood’s Am Rev class that in thirty years he’d be giving friendly interviews to Trotskyites and publishing in a far right review affiliated with a lawyer who advocated overturning the 2020 election for Donald Trump…well.
Gordon Wood, who was so sensitive about his professional reputation that he was angry that the 1619 Project didn't consult with him, is now affiliating himself with an institution that gave a fellowship to a Pizzagate guy.
To be honest, however, if you'd told me that it was Gordon Wood's interpretation of the history of racism and slavery in the US that would particularly endear him to the class-reductionist left and the anti-anti-racist right, then I would have less surprised by that.
In 1951 the National Association of Manufacturers commissioned a comic book about the dangers of inflation. The art work was by Dan Barry, of Flash Gordon fame.
You can read the entire thing here. I was inspired to search for these online because they were mentioned in Edward Miller's biography of Robert Welch which I'm currently reading. Welch may have had something to do with commissioning this comic. lcamtuf.coredump.cx/communism/Your…
Charles Schulz (yes, that Charles Schulz) was the artist who produced this very understated anti-communist comic in 1947. lcamtuf.coredump.cx/communism/Is%2…
Things one tweets when one has no understanding, like absolutely none, like a howling black hole of the opposite of understanding, of what historians do; and also a raging volcano's worth of misplaced confidence about your ability to make pronouncements about what historians do.
Tell me you've never had an actual conversation with a historian about what they do or read the most basic methodological texts used in introductory theory and methods course without actually telling me that.
The anti-intellectual "public intellectual" is, IMO, not a great look.
I'm starting to think that the people who built their identity around the imperative to "stand athwart history yelling stop" rendered themselves uniquely ill-equipped to deal with the sorts of adjustments necessary to deal with a pandemic of historically-unprecedented scale.
I mean, you can yell "stop" at the coronavirus all you like, but it really doesn't care.
You can yell "stop" at climate change all you like, but it really doesn't care.