Unfortunately, from a policy perspective, the relevant question isn't "how many mass shooters displayed red flags" but "what percentage of the people who display red flags become mass shooters". I suspect the answer to the latter is "very, very low".
This is a very common mistake when talking about policy--you note that a lot of people who do X or Y have some characteristic, and then say "We should address that characteristic with our policy!"
To offer an extreme example, say we discover that 98% of bank robbers have driver's licenses. Who cares? We will not get very far looking for bank robbers, or potential bank robbers, by scrutinizing licensed drivers
Of course, "red flags" are less extreme, but lots of people nurture violent fantasies, a bitter hatred of the opposite sex or some other group they imagine wronged them, without doing so much as spitting on the sidewalk in their direction.
I'm not saying that's great and fine, but if most of them don't do anything, what's your policy response?
BTW, this is also why the Finkelstein et al study of medical bankruptcy is superior to Elizabeth Warren's work on the subject. It's much more useful to know how much a medical event raises your probability of declaring bankruptcy than what % of bankrupts had some medical bills.
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I don't think our duty is too ignore it; our duty is to figure out the response that maximizes the future health of our society, while taking into account that Trump's character flaws and intense partisan polarization make the best solution--moral shaming--completely ineffective
Robert Nozick coined a great neologism, "Normative Sociology: The study of what the causes of things *should be*". It's counterpart is normative policymaking: the study of what solutions *ought to work*. A lot of reactions to Trump fall into that basket.
For shaming to work, you have to share a moral community with someone--loosely defined as "the people who could effectively shame *you* out of doing something, at least under some circumstances". Left and right no longer share that moral community.
This article is the worst argument I have read against driverless cars, and I've read a few. Unfortunately, I think this what's running through the minds of a lot of city planners: let's stall the development of an incredible lifesaving technology to bail out transit.
Why is this a bad argument? Well, for starters, Waymos mostly don't substitute for busses. They substitute for Ubers, taxis and personal driving. The capital requirements for these things are huge and will never be as cheap as cramming dozens of people into one vehicle.
Number two, as a political argument, this moral exhortation fails as a political strategy. No one is going to ride the bus because poor people can't afford Waymos. Nor will they ignore the tradeoffs between busses (waits outside, transfers, having to walk at both ends) because you tell them to.
My latest column is on the WBD merger drama, and why anyone wants to buy this company. My commenters are extremely mad that I focused on strategy and market economics rather than the specter of David Ellison controlling CNN. So here's why I didn't write about it.
I don't think the possibility of David Ellison owning CNN is even among the top 10 most interesting questions about this merger. It might not even break the top 20. It is a sideshow that has been blown up into the main story by a self-obsessed media.
Why doesn't it matter? Because I regret to inform you that it is no longer 1995. I am not a lithe and energetic 22 year old enjoying a rich and varied nightlife. And the mainstream media does not enjoy one tenth of the agenda-setting power it had back in those golden days.
AOC should talk to some women’s swimmers and find out just how intense the training they do is, and how long you have to train to get to a Division 1 final. Most of these swimmers have been doing it daily since they were eight years old.
More broadly, this is why Democrats keep losing on this issue: they make sick dunks for each other without thinking about how they come off to normies. People with kids in serious sports know, as AOC apparently doesn’t, just how much commitment it takes.
Until I went to Ivies, I didn’t understand a key component of why the other swimmers were angry: for most of these girls, this is the last time they get to swim competitively (the girls who might make it to the Olympics are at a handful of ultra-elite programs.
People were terrified to be publicly critical on this issue. It had the biggest gap I've ever seen between public and private opinion. That gap was maintained by the fear of a vicious backlash from activists for saying anything even mildly critical. Nor was that fear unfounded.
Jesse Singal and Katie Herzog, to name just two people, were effectively blacklisted from journalism and lost a lot of friends merely for noting that *detransition existed*. Saying that transfemale athletes shouldn't compete with women was many leagues beyond that, and by 2020, social justice activists had a lot more power.
When I was covering the Lia Thomas story, I had to do an interview on *how swim meets work* on background because the guy was terrified my name would end up in his story *explaining timing rules*. He said "If it was just me, I might risk it, but my kids are in swim clubs and I can't risk their lives getting upended."
As I wrote in 2022, about why affirmative action eventually became untenable: “One of my favorite statistics for shocking Washingtonians is to reveal that in 1960, more than five out of every six accounted for in the census were White”.
This shouldn’t be shocking but it is; people tend to unconsciously assume that there must have been a lot of non-white people around, because that’s what they’re used to. They understand the numbers used to be lower, but not how much lower.