“It is we who have been the perfecters of this democracy.” - @nhannahjones
“The United States is a nation founded on both an ideal and a lie.” - @nhannahjones
“For this fleeting moment known as Reconstruction, the majority in Congress seemed to embrace the idea that...we could create the multiracial democracy that black Americans envisioned even if our founding fathers did not. But it would not last.” - @nhannahjones
“Anti-black racism runs in the very DNA of this country, as does the belief, so well articulated by Lincoln, that black people are the obstacle to national unity. “ - @nhannahjones
“This caste system was maintained through wanton racial terrorism.” - @nhannahjones
“No one cherishes freedom more than those who have not had it.” - @nhannahjones
“as much democracy as this nation has today, it has been borne on the backs of black resistance.” - @nhannahjones
“But crucially, you cannot view those statistics while ignoring another: that black people were enslaved here longer than we have been free.” - @nhannahjones
“What if America understood, finally, in this 400th year, that we have never been the problem but the solution?” - @nhannahjones
“We were told once, by virtue of our bondage, that we could never be American. But it was by virtue of our bondage that we became the most American of all.” - @nhannahjones
With all this to talk about from @nhannahjones, Sunday brunch will slide into early dinner followed by coffee and cognac by the fire pit. I’ll use my grandmother’s dishes; she was the daughter of former slaves. She will smile down at us because we are her dream. #1619Project
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For the women of Vanguard, this was their 15th and 19th Amendments rolled into one - giving teeth to the promise of voting rights that did not accommodate racism or sexism. basicbooks.com/titles/martha-…
It had been a long an arduous journey to the Voting Rights Act, one travelled by sheroes like Mary McLeod Bethune. Bethune had been born during Reconstruction and faced off against the KKK over voting rights in the 1920s. smithsonianmag.com/history/mary-m…
If you’re waking up with questions about the new USCIS Policy Alert, like I am, you can start with the text of the alert here, courtesy of @CNN. cnn.com/2019/08/28/pol…
It’s complicated; be careful about from whom you take advice about its meaning, implications, and effects. I’m following immigration law experts and practitioners @leegelernt and @prof_kari_hong. Love to hear who you’re following for expertise (rather than superficial punditry.)
A point of information. Who can claim Birthright Citizenship in the US is a matter of fact *and* of law. For the purposes of citizenship, the US is a physical territory and also a legal fiction. A child can be born in, for example, Germany but be deemed born in the US, by law.
It was just a few days ago that the insightful @CarolJenkins asked me if I thought a threat to birthright citizenship might re-emerge. I told her the truth: I didn’t think anyone really knew the answer. Well, now we have it. reuters.com/article/us-usa…
You might ask, has anything changed since July 2018 or October 2018 when we last heard threats to birthright citizenship emanating from the President and his agents? I’ll say that I think it has.
We’ve learned is how saber rattling from Washington emboldens low level authorities to act in ways that are formally out front of a White House edict on birthright citizenship. (This is a long-standing insight — in the 1890s Wong Kim Ark was caught similarly by petty officials.)
Fascinating thread from @agordonreed on the language we use, the word choices we make, when writing the histories of enslaved people. Her example comes from writing the lives of Sally Hemings and her family. @profgabrielle@DainaRameyBerry
A starting point when it come to word choice is an understanding of the terms used by our subjects and those around them. How did enslaved women speak of and about themselves? What sorts of words, categories, and concepts did they rely upon? How did that change over time and why?
That is just a beginning. We write to convey meaning to readers, including other historians - employ terms already in use, with established meaning so as to join that on-going conversation. And sometimes we depart from existing word trends to underscore an interpretive departure.
The heart of the matter is not whether we engage in public debate. Of course we do. It is not whether we attend to political, diplomatic and military history. Of course we do. This is a debate over who sets the terms of the nation’s history and from what point of view we tell it.
I am a legal historian who writes about citizenship (for specialists and a broad public.) I write from the point of view of black Americans; for some that will always mark my work as “esoteric.” To that I say I write the past, with rigor and integrity, to illuminate our own time.
I urge us not to fall for this trap. There’s not debate about whether historians are engaged with broad audiences. The debate is about who our audience is and what they need and want to know and learn. Own your so-called esoteric work; be clear that the margin in now the center.
1/ I’ll weigh in here to say a few things about this issue. The first is that this issue is not one that has been directly tested or addressed by our courts. And the final interpretation here rests with #SCOTUS.
2/ The President proposes to interpret that part of the 14th Amendment which excludes persons not subject to US jurisdiction from Birthright Citizenship. His view as I take it is that children born to unauthorized immigrants are excluded from Birthright under this exception.
3/ We have long relied upon the #SCOTUS decision of Wong Kim Ark (1898) for the view that even the children of noncitizens, when born in the US, are citizens by Birthright.