It's been pointed out that the 9.1% offer UUK negotiators made to UCU at the #USS JNC on Thursday contained a 'ballot moratorium clause' (the so-called #bullyclause) which immediately made it unacceptable to UCU negotiators.
But it hasn't been pointed out yet that, in their public statements about the offer yesterday, @adamtickell (the chair of the EPF) and @UniversitiesUK have given inadequate summaries of this clause.
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy "That UCU agrees not to proceed with the planned ballot for strike action on pensions and hold a moratorium on any pensions industrial balloting or strike action in relation to USS for the period to 1 October 2021."
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy "UK’s JNC representatives offered to increase employer contributions by a further 0.5 per cent for two years in return for no industrial action over pensions, subject to consultation with employers and members." sussex.ac.uk/staff/newsande…
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy Both these summaries of the moratorium clause make invisible its fundamental effect. This is that it does not merely prevent UCU from balloting on whether to take industrial action over the settlement offered for the next two years.
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy It *also* prevents UCU from balloting on whether to take industrial action over whatever settlement for the 2021-24 cycle USS and UUK may impose (with the help of the chair of the JNC) arising from the 2020 valuation.
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy This is because under a normal timetable that settlement will already have been implemented by 1 October 2021, so by that time it will be far too late to launch a ballot to take industrial action against it.
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy So in effect the clause asks UCU to commit to accepting in advance whatever valuation and contribution decisions USS and UUK come up with for the 2021-24 cycle.
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy Worse, UUK goes on to imply that UCU negotiators acted unreasonably in rejecting the offer that included this clause: "The UCU negotiators indicated they were unwilling to compromise, refused to consult their members over the alternative offer, and consequently rejected it."
@adamtickell@UniversitiesUK@NJSHardy If UCU members are to make a proper judgement on whether their negotiators were reasonable or not in rejecting the 9.1% offer, they need to see the full text of the offer as it was presented to UCU negotiators, not just the incomplete summaries of it we have been given so far.
1/ A thread on why universities need to keep teaching online for the rest of this term.
2/ The government's last guidance to universities was issued on 3 February. It instructed HE providers not to offer any face-to-face teaching - outside exempt subjects such as medicine, dentistry and veterinary science - until at least 8 March. assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/upl…
3/ By the time the guidance was issued, 12 universities and colleges had already announced that they were keeping non-exempt teaching online until the end of this term or semester. Since then 3 more have done so, and another is keeping teaching online until at least 26 April.
1/ The hardest sell in the package that UCU issued overnight is not the demand to move all (or almost all) teaching online. It is the demand that universities 'scrap plans to reopen campuses'.
2/ 'UCU said that demanding over a million young people move around the UK to attend university made no sense [...] UCU said the push to get students back on campus was being driven by a dangerous desire to get back to business as usual, before it was safe to do so.'
2/ Let's leave aside how outdated this article - with its frequent invocation of taking the long view - looks a mere three weeks later.
3/ Let's also leave aside the compatibility or otherwise of USS's stake in Heathrow being compatible with the climate change dimension of USS's policy on responsible investment. uss.co.uk/how-uss-invest…
It is true that JEP have accepted Test 1 for the current valuation, despite their pretty scathing criticisms of it. However what drives 'de-risking' is not Test 1 as such but the way USS chooses to interpret it. 1/
"Test 1: a test designed to measure whether or not the long-term risk in the DB section of the scheme is within the risk appetite agreed between the trustee and sponsoring employers. 2/
First, at 3-5 (= tweets 3-5) you say TPR will not accept higher than gilts+1.2%. Is this on the basis of what USS says about TPR, or of statements by TPR itself? If it is the former I would take it with a pinch of salt. 1/