There is a simpler explanation to why the current slavery/capitalism historiography looks the way it does in terms of the focus on the post-Revolutionary US.
If you started grad school in the early 1990s, you had to read Gordon Wood's Radicalism of the American Revolution, Joyce Appleby's Capitalism and the New Social Order... books that said post-Rev US economy maximized freedom for pretty much everyone.
You read Eric Williams and Sidney Mintz and you knew there was a compelling story regarding slavery/capitalism in British economic development-- you wondered where there seemed to be so little compelling work on these entanglements for the US.
Really, there were great books conceptualizing the relationship of slavery and capitalism largely in global/Atlantic terms, but very little that got into the nitty-gritty for the post-Rev US (when as you recall from several tweets above, the US economy maximized freedom).
Then you went into the economic history, especially Fogel, Without Consent or Contract and yeah, wow, some pretty compelling evidence about how in certain times and places, carrots proved more effective-- not more ethical, but more effective-- than sticks in extracting labor.
But still, was any of this being incorporated into the mainstream narratives of US history in the wake of Wood's Radicalism of the American Rev? Not really. The only hope was an emerging discussion in the early 1990s about the "Market Revolution."
Charles Sellers' book by that title was a devastating critique of capitalism as an anti-democratic social formation. But the hero, fighting on behalf of democracy, was an Indian-killing slaveholder named Andrew Jackson... so that was ind of confusing.
(kind of confusing, in previous tweet). And then "market revolution" got picked up as a generic term for early-US economic development, minus the politics. But slavery was largely excluded from that literature. The south, we were told, didn't have a market revolution.
So scholars developing their work in the late 1990s and early 2000s tried to resolve all issues by looking for evidence about what actually happened on the ground in the US regarding slavery and capitalism in the post-Rev era.
Because, remember, Eric Williams didn't answer this, Sidney Mintz didn't answer this, Gordon Wood didn't answer this, Robert Fogel only took it so far, Charles Sellers didn't answer this. A big empirical hole in the scholarship on the spillovers and entanglements of slavery/cap.
There was, of course, compelling cultural history, like Roediger's Wages of Whiteness (in debt to Du Bois) that pointed the way, indicating slavery's "value" to the national economy was in the "unmaking" of white labor radicalism (which had Econ value to capitalism certainly).
So then in the early 2000s, something amorphous called "history of capitalism" provides a space for lots of different kinds of scholars to just look and try to describe what they see on the ground happening in economic life.
And those of us focusing on the post-rev US saw wage-earning slaves in Baltimore, Philadelphia banks owning Louisiana plantations, advanced bookkeeping in plantation spaces, southern judges promoting instrumental jurisprudence, remote communities of interest invested in slavery.
New England colleges dependent on slavery for endowments, New York insurance companies issuing policies on slaves' lives, Rhode Island companies making clothing for slaves, a Massachusetts cotton industry using slave-grown cotton to employ 10000s of people in factories.
So what you have is a scholarship in 2019 that yes, is focused on US 1790-1860 largely as an artifact of the historiography that we inherited from the 1990s.
It doesn't mean that 1790-1860 US is the only story for the making of modern capitalism. But it does attest to the fact that most of the established stories of how national independence and political democracy made for a booming national economy had excluded slavery.
And so you've had a bunch of scholars thinking about how to write slavery into the story and what happens if you *don't* take it as a prima facia assumption that slavery had nothing to do with capitalism.
That's where the scholarship is today. It has made an argument about US economic development specifically because of the arguments that the US has made (enabled by generations of historians) about itself and its unrivaled economic freedom. /end
Whoops-- I messed this up: how sticks in certain times and places proved more effective (but not more ethical) than carrots in extracting labor.
I wrote an essay called "The Unfree Origins of American Capitalism"-- originally a 2001 conf paper, published in 2006-- that does a more articulate job of walking through this historiography. /end+1
One surprise in researching **Plantation Goods: A Material History of American Slavery** was the richness of New England business archives on the material culture of Southern slavery. Here is a pattern book from a R.I. manufacturer in the 1830s specializing in plaids. 1/6
The firm produced a dozen+ plaids, some woven under its factory roof and others distributed to nearby families to produce at home. Fabrics vended in Baltimore, Charleston, New Orleans and esp. NYC, the hub of the national market in clothing and tools for enslaved people. 2/6
Such records let us calculate the earnings of a specific teenaged weaver or follow the networks that recruited New England women into textile production. These records can tell us about product design, marketing strategies, and the dynamic of interregional commerce. 3/6
Both fields have gone far in recent years to think capaciously about their objects of study, expanding what constitutes labor and what constitutes as science; reconsidering where science and labor are performed; and recalibrating who counts as a worker or a practitioner.
2/12
There is exciting scholarship on working people as producers of knowledge, as well as exciting research on the “hidden labor” of formal scientific knowledge production. Questions of “making,” of “craft,” of tacit and embodied forms of expertise run through both fields.
3/12
I appreciate all the kind words about the prospective syllabus for a history of capitalism graduate seminar. There was a point I was trying to make about what the history of capitalism looks like, and so I wanted to try again with an alternative model. A 18-tweet thread...
Same parameters as last time: a 500 year survey, global, exposing students to multiple methodologies and approaches, with 1 monograph and 2 articles per week (except for week 1 to provide some theoretical touchstones)
2/
Week 1: Frameworks
*S. Buck-Morss, “Envisioning Capital: Political Economy on Display,” Critical Inq 1995
*F. Vergés, “Racial Capitalocene: Is the Anthropocene Racial?” Futures of Black Radicalism 2017
*R. Currarino, “Toward a History of Cultural Economy” J. Civil War Era 2012
History of Capitalism syllabus discussion ahead, a 20 tweet thread.
I'm refining a syllabus for a graduate seminar, essentially a 500-year survey across time, place, and methodology. The idea would be to introduce students to the field (to the extent I see it) 1/
Parameters: each week (except week 1) has a monograph and 2 articles/chapters. The coverage of the course overall needs to be global, it needs to showcase different kinds of approaches (cultural history, economic history, labor history, etc.) and it needs to run 1500 to now. 2/
I am especially committed to the idea that there is no one single approach to this field and that students should see a wide variety of pathways and approaches into the topic. I also realize not all topics can be covered in 14 weeks and there will be omissions. It is a survey. 3/
Question for colleagues in economic history so dismayed about the discussion of cotton, plantation slavery, and capitalism in #1619: Are there ways you would analyze 20/21st c. petroleum that might be useful for thinking historically about cotton/slavery/capitalism? 1/12
In 20th c. economic history, oil presumably has spill-over effects such that we don’t just measure its economic importance by summing up the value of exported barrels and gas sales at the pump? 2/12
Presumably we don’t think the only economic stakeholders in oil are oil companies and gas station owners? People who drive cars are tied into this system too, right? 3/12