I wrote a book about gifted education, so here's a very quick thread about what might be a very, very bad decision by Mayor de Blasio to get rid of gifted education programs.
One of the under-appreciated and unfortunate facts about K-12 policy, especially the national discussion about K-12 policy, is how little attention is paid to gifted programming.
There aren't federal programs aimed at gifted kids. There are remarkably few state programs.
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We don't have consistent systems for identifying gifted kids. And even when there are systems for identification, there are often no clear paths for the kids identified. That is, a policy might require identification but NOT require special programming.
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There are some state-run schools for gifted kids; some specialty high schools; some philanthropic work. But we simply don't have the policies & programs that you'd expect for kids achieving at very, very high levels.
In the book, I suggest reasons that might be the case...
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But regardless of the reasons why we don't pay as much attention to this, it can absolutely be the case that a child with unusual abilities doesn't have access to special teachers, courses, supports, etc.
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NYC is unusual because it has a long, twisting, fascinating history of specialty (often known as "selective admission") high schools for high-performing students. I recommend this podcast episode where @elizashapiro explains much of the background. nytimes.com/2019/04/02/pod…
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There are very real, very difficult questions--in NYC and beyond--about the fairness of the systems that identify kids for these programs. And not all primary schools enable all high-ability young kids to reach their potential so they can place into these high schools.
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We should absolutely address those issues.
But the reason I started with the fact that there are far fewer gifted-ed programs than you might think is that bringing about more fairness shouldn't be accomplished by torpedoing the gifted programs we do have.
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That is, our solution to unequal access to gifted programs should NOT be "Let's make gifted programs equally inaccessible to everyone in public education systems."
That would be bad for lots and lots of reasons.
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Not to bore everyone with all of the details, but, for instance, if public schools aren't offering special gifted programs, more families with financial means who are in the public education system will have more reason to choose non-public schools.
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Also, because our K-12 accountability systems focus on getting kids to "proficient" (or grade-level achievement), teachers and administrators have incentives to focus attention on kids needing help reaching that level... not on kids already way above that level.
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In short, NYC (& other places) should resist the urge to undermine gifted education in the name of equity. High-performing kids deserve special attention, too. There are too few such programs to begin with, & lots of kids, including disadvantaged kids, benefit from them.
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Finally: One reason, I believe, we have so few gifted programs is we want public ed to be egalitarian & leveling, so special attention to soaring kids can feel wrong. But true educational equity doesn't mean giving everyone the same; it means providing each child what s/he needs.
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This @JonHaidt essay is valuable--particularly the imagined part in the first half. It gets at an important aspect of intellectual diversity that can sometimes be lost.
The way I've described this in the past is we all need multiple "lenses" for understanding any particular issue. Each lens, or "framework" or "system," enables us to see things we wouldn't otherwise. Multiple lenses give us a full picture. The danger is in having one lens.
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Frederick Jackson Turner's frontier thesis is great at helping us understand US history. But if that's the only lens you have, you'll have a distorted view.
Rawls' "maximin" principle is great, but if that's your only way to understand justice, you are missing lots.
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Read this article and watch for many, many more like it in the near future. This isn't just meant to intimidate conservative justices, it is aimed directly at the three conservative justices who care about judicial prudence.
When SCOTUS makes a big, bold progressive decision overturning precedent or state or federal laws, we simply don't see article after article about the risk to the Court's "legitimacy" or the potential for the Court to be seen as "political."
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With abortion and guns on the docket, there will be lots of subtle and unsubtle warnings to SCOTUS about not doing anything that might rock the boat and damage the Court's credibility. The goal of such articles is convince SCOTUS to preserve Roe/Casey and not expand 2A rights.
VERY quick thread on why I believe American conservatives need to recommit to decentralized authority--and why those of us who believe this need to change how we make these arguments, especially when engaging with new and different voices emerging on the political right.
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Much of my thinking about governing principles and policy is shaped by four sources from the last century.
Nisbet's "Quest for Community"
Hayek's "The Constitution of Liberty"
Scott's "Seeing Like A State"
Catholic Social Teaching's dual concept of Solidarity-Subsidiarity
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Part of Nisbet's argument is that the large, voracious central state atomizes us and wipes away mediating bodies by stealing their purposes. Consolidated power undermines civil society.
But some believe a more powerful central authority is needed to advance a common good.
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Let me tell you one really interesting thing about some letters.
I think it only occurs after you've been writing back and forth with someone for a while.
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As I've written in the past, after maybe three or four back-and-forth cycles, correspondents seem to relax and open up. Letters are less formal, less rote. They are also funnier and more revealing, usually.
But something else happens.
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The correspondents organically develop a sphere of things that are discussable. That sphere is larger than in letter one. Much larger. It doesn't encompass everything in each person's life. But it's more than weather and what's on the news.
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Quick thread about conservative policy in the post-Trump era.
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The conventional wisdom is there was profound discontent on the right prior to Trump's election about GOP/conservative priorities and a policy revolution was inevitable. Trump, it is said, capitalized on the discontent, getting elected and enabling new policy ideas to emerge.
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This is the explanation for the rise in right-of-center circles of populism, nationalism, integralism, post-liberalism, industrial planning, and so on.
If that theory is right, then these movements should continue post-Trump.
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More and more, I feel like I'm on an island when it comes to fully defending democracy. There are so many ostensibly sophisticated substitutes--libertarianism, integralism, technocracy, and on and on--but all of them share this: they don't trust the people to rule themselves.
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People need to be in control of their lives and feel like they are in control of their lives. They need a way to deliberate together and have a means of accommodating one another, compromising, and reaching consensus. They need a way of building community.
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They need a way to reach conclusions that may differ from the conclusions reached by others. They need a system for both respecting custom and tradition while gradually changing rules to meet new conditions.
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