Here's the latest installment in my ongoing series, Why The Irish Employment Permit System Is Ridiculous. A thread.
So I recently met someone who works in an industry that the Irish government regards as Very Important. The industry needs workers with a particular, very specialised skill, which few people have. A "critical skill", in the DBEI lingo.
DBEI accepted the need for these workers, and agreed to add them to its Highly Skilled Employments list, eligible for critical skill work permits. But here's the problem.
The entire work permit system is based upon the British statistical classification SOC-2010. Whether or not an employment can be on the Highly Skilled list, or on the Ineligible list for that matter, depends on where it falls in the SOC-2010.
This job, this skill, this specialisation, did not exist in 2010. It is a very recent phenomenon.
No problem, says the DBEI, we'll just slot it into one of the existing SOC-2010 categories. But here's another problem.
Critical Skills permits require a relevant educational qualification. And ... there isn't a relevant educational qualification for this skill. You can't get a degree in it, at least not yet.
And if you could, it wouldn't be a degree that is relevant to the SOC-2010 categories that they've stuck this employment into.
Even apart from the whole system's obsolescence where this job is concerned, they still managed to classify it wrong 🤦♀️
And because the entire system is set out in legislation, primary and secondary, there is literally nothing an applicant can do about it. Employment Permits Unit decision makers have no discretion to waive the requirements just because the requirements themselves are unworkable.
The legislation itself will have to be changed in order to allow these permits to be issued. I hate the phrase "not fit for purpose" but it has never been so appropriate as with the Irish employment permit system.
I want to talk a bit about the Family referendum, because I think there has been a lot of obfuscation around it. 🧵
First let's look at the current text:
41.1.1 could, in and of itself, already be read as recognising non-marital families. But 41.3.1 problematically excludes them. Nonetheless, what jumps out from a simple reading of 41.1.1 is recognition of THE FAMILY.
The underlying premise is that Irish government policies created a pull factor which led to a huge increase in numbers in 2022. But numbers jumped in 2022 all across Europe.
Admittedly, Ireland’s percentage increase was the highest in the EEA. But look at what a low base we were starting from.
So to recap, the student in question is not in any of Enoch Burke's classes. He is not personally required to address or refer to them in any way. There is no "compelled speech" in his case. He simply objects to the school adopting a trans-inclusive policy. 1/
How many people over the years have had to teach in an Irish school that adopted policies they didn't agree with. Or in many cases, policies that DID directly affect them, that FORCED them to remain silent or risk losing their job. 2/
There are LGBT teachers even now that could lose their job because of these policies. They have to pretend to be something they're not. All this snowflake has to do is avoid interacting with someone he has no reason to interact with anyway. 3/
It is quite unambiguous in its findings. The law appears to have failed in almost every conceivable respect. I will go through some of the more notable findings here.
Firstly, the report notes that NI is unique among Nordic Model jurisdictions in that it had prevalence data from before the law was brought in. No other jurisdiction bothered to scope out its sex industry first, so no one else has before-and-after stats.
(Thread)
So the news that two young sex workers were jailed for "brothel keeping" in Ireland has exposed the reality that the Nordic Model doesn't actually decriminalise them. But it's exposed something else we need to talk about...
... I mean apart from the fact that the orgs and politicians behind @turnoffRL don't really care about these women. That was obvious from the fact they KNEW sex workers would get done for brothel keeping, and deliberately refused to change the law. There's more.
What is shows is the central fallacy that under the Nordic Model the police can be protectors of sex workers, rather than persecutors. This is a fundamental error which operates on a number of levels.
Let me just run down all the things that are wrong with this direction - or at least all the ones cited in this article ...
1. There is nothing REMOTELY similar to these requirements in the ordinary judicial review list. It's only migrants - and their families - who are subject to these rules. What does that say about how Ireland views them?