Does Boris Johnson want to be less constrained by parliament or not?
There are contradictions in the approach to the #WithdrawalAgreement Bill up for debate today
Johnson's majority of 80 means he can drop some constraints in the original #WAB. But he's also added new ones. 1/5
As many have noted, eg. the excellent @woodstockjag below, prior requirements for parliamentary approval at the next stage of Brexit have been removed.
Gone are words requiring MPs to approve the negotiating objectives, or an extension to transition. 2/5
But what's odd is that, while government could have simply removed parliament's control over extending transition, it's instead added the much-hyped clause preventing any extension.
Which limits government, not parliament. 4/5
While the government could have maximised flexibility, it hasn't.
New clause 33 is a handy signalling device that Johnson means to stick to his election pledges. But if he changes his mind he'll need to return to parliament with a new bill.
He may come to regret that later. 5/5
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Amidst much current talk of the NI Protocol and the ERG, Meg Russell and @james_lisak's forthcoming book sheds new light on this saga.
The ERG voted for the Protocol, as part of Johnson's deal, but very reluctantly. They feared that Brexit would otherwise be lost.
1/
David Frost's subsequent comments are quite well known.
Less so are claims in ERG member Mark Francois' book that the group promised, in private talks with No. 10, to support the deal only on the strict understanding that the NI Protocol would be changed.
2/
Francois says this was 'conveyed very clearly in private to the PM & No 10'.
If true, this means Johnson privately pledged to change the legal agreement he'd just reached before parliament had voted on it, & before selling it in general election 2019 as 'oven ready'.
3/
The Truss premiership has seen economic & political turmoil & a historic Labour lead.
Director Meg Russell argues the current crisis has been built on a foundation of poor constitutional governance and practice, established under her predecessor.
3 legacy characteristics of Johnson’s constitutional regime have been notable in the current crisis:
🚨a strained relationship with the civil service
🚨tension over the role of constitutional regulators 🚨sidelining of parliamentary scrutiny.
2/
Johnson held little regard for constitutional checks and balances, and his approach to constitutional norms and standards appeared central to his downfall in July 2022:
As May recalled in the Commons last week, the DUP were part of that blocking majority.
But there were "others". She refrains from saying who, but voters against included Boris Johnson, Dominic Raab, Priti Patel, Jacob Rees-Mogg & Suella Braverman.
NEW MONITOR: The 80th edition of Monitor was published today. It provides analysis of the last 4 months of constitutional news and contains sections on parliament, elections, devolution, the courts, & the monarchy. It is free and available now: ucl.ac.uk/constitution-u…
2/8 The PARLIAMENT section includes analysis of the fractious relationship between the government and parliament (including its own backbenchers & a record number of Lords defeats), and concerns about the proper scrutiny of delegated legislation.
3/8 The PARLIAMENT section also reports on parliamentary standards, including suggested changes to the Code of Conduct, & the Ryder review.
It discusses plans for the Restoration and Renewal of the Palace of Westminster, which once again appear to be in flux.
This report, on attitudes towards democracy in the UK, is extremely timely, and have been quoted by the press and politicians. This morning, former PM John Major quoted our findings.
Professor Alan Renwick @alanjrenwick introduces key aspects of this project.
First, this report is based on our survey of around 6500 people conducted last summer. This was before the Owen Paterson affair and the “partygate” issue.