Food, energy, and water are the three things that sustain civilization - the oceans offer an abundance of each.
Established by the UN in 1982, Exclusive Economic Zones were created to resolve maritime disputes.
They have done anything but.
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Prior to the adoption of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in 1982, maritime commerce and territorial disputes were settled via a complex maze of customs, agreements, laws, and treaties loosely called "admiralty law".
It worked, albeit messily.
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Often confused with the Law of the Sea concept, admiralty (or "maritime") law is the specific term for the body of laws and customs governing private matters of maritime commerce, such as shipping contracts, disposition of freight, and limits of liability.
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As nations began to become more capable and efficient at mapping and exploiting the resources of the sea and beneath the seabed, conflicts inevitably arose.
This was further exacerbated by the disconnect between admiralty law and Law (or Freedom) of the Sea.
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Prior to UNCLOS I in 1958, nations largely adhered to the "cannon shot" rule - that is, territorial waters extended from the coastline out to 3 nautical miles, or what had traditionally been the range of a shore-based cannon.
Anything beyond was held as international waters.
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This became non-viable in the 20th century as nations commenced drilling for oil and fishing further out to sea.
However, in 1945, the US was the first nation to extend a territorial claim out to the continental shelf, far beyond 3nm.
This was later codified in UNCLOS I.
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Under UNCLOS III, nations now manage a variety of sea zones:
Territorial Sea (12nm, sovereign)
Contiguous Zone (12-24nm, partially sovereign)
Exclusive Economic Zone (24-200nm, rights to resources)
Outside the Territorial Sea, a nation MUST allow passage of foreign ships.
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Alright, you caught up now?
Pre-20th century, international maritime law basically was a gentleman's agreement often backed by ruthless force when commerce broke down.
Sea power was everything.
Now, power is projected via logistics, infrastructure, and regulatory capture.
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While UNCLOS III did in fact clarify and resolve certain challenges of the previous system(s), it privatized colonialism to a certain extent through oil/gas and fishing activity.
Having previously covered China's activity in the South China Sea, I will not rehash here.
Simply note that it continues a trend by the legalistically-savvy nations of the world in capturing, bending, or outright weaponizing international law.
Whether by violence or by court games, ambitious nations and non-state actors alike will seek maximum control of resources.
Now, it is not just China who engages in war-by-bureaucratic-proxy, but the country has perfected and proliferated the playbook.
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An emerging "soft war" tactic involves the aforementioned Exclusive Economic Zones, where a country's claim to the sea's natural resources extends up to 200 nautical miles from its shore.
For nations that economically rely on these resources, EEZ's are critical.
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The Horn of Africa and northern Mediterranean coast are a region where EEZ's have become a flashpoint of regional tension.
One such example is the current civil war in Libya, which has sucked in numerous foreign powers.
Now, the real prize is not just the crude oil locked in Libya's ground.
It's also their 200nm EEZ.
The eastern Mediterranean Sea continues to betray its wealth of energy resources (especially natural gas), and Turkey has made the strongest play yet for it.
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On 5 Dec 2019, Libya's UN-backed leadership ratified a Memorandum of Understanding with Turkey with regard to their overlapping maritime claims east of Crete.
Despite enraging everyone else with an interest in the region, the maneuver was legal..or at least legal enough.
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Here's the wrinkle - Turkey has never ratified UNCLOS, and has rejected it as a legal framework.
As far back as the 1970's, Turkey has held that its territorial waters extend to the limits of its continental shelf, well past the various provisions set by UNCLOS I.
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This issue is the root of the Greek/Turkish/Cypriot conflict, and was the trigger for Greek leaving NATO in 1974.
Turkey has long-coveted the resources off the coast of Cyprus, and has repeatedly played fast and loose with maritime claims to secure its will in the Med.
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However, Turkey will hold closer to UNCLOS' provisions when it suits them.
In 1986, Turkey declared a 200nm EEZ in the Black Sea, agreeing to delimitation with other nations in the region.
Access to the Black Sea is still via the Turkish Straits, a key maritime chokepoint.
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The EEZ delimitation agreement between Libya and Turkey has a strong possibility of triggering conflict in the eastern Med.
Once Turkish or Libyan entities begin offshore exploration and drilling in earnest, the matter will not be settled by diplomacy, but by force.
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The activity also bolsters Turkey's maritime disputes in the Aegean Sea with Greece, who argues its islands affirm the outer edges of its territorial waters.
While the UN will have a role in these energy and maritime disputes, Turkey has first-mover advantage there as well.
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It is not just the pursuit of natgas in the Med where Turkey is exploiting EEZs and maritime boundaries.
The quiet, but enormous, influence Turkey (and its ally Qatar) holds in Somalia is now paying off as well.
As in Libya, Turkey is mixing commercial and political tactics to secure its interests in Somalia.
The prize?
15 oil exploration blocks offshore of Somalia.
While I'm not the energy expert (see @anasalhajji for that topic), it is nonetheless a massive opportunity.
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The thing about offshore drilling is that it has a high up-front cost, and requires years of ongoing revenue to pay back invesments in exploration and infrastructure.
Political stability is paramount.
Turkey investing into Somalia is a sign of their confidence of control.
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The wild card for Turkey is the resolution of the long-disputed maritime boundary between Kenya and Somalia.
This EEZ-related claim covers part or all of 8 oil exploration blocks currently under Kenyan control and leased to several oil companies.
It would be wise to assume that Turkey will push for a settlement in Somalia's favor.
Kenya does not share Somalia's deep ties to Turkey, another of which is a Turkish military and training base outside Mogadishu (Camp TURKSOM).
Permanent infrastructure is an indicator.
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The importance of EEZs is also reflected in the US' interest in purchasing Greenland from Denmark.
While most of the chatter has been about the vast trove of mineral wealth locked beneath Greenland's icy terrain, even more interesting is the island's EEZ.
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There are only eight nations with landmass or EEZ claims inside the Arctic Circle:
Russia
USA
Norway
Finland
Sweden
Denmark (via Greenland)
Canada
Iceland
Melting polar ice caps are revealing the wealth of the Artic Ocean seabed, and opening new shipping lanes.
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Of all nations, Russia has advanced the furthest in exploiting the Arctic for military purposes.
Look again at the map in #28.
Greenland's EEZ borders Norway's and Iceland's, but via the Continental Shelf precedent, the Greenland claim could extend into Russia's claim.
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Consider this image.
Russia has already built out significant military infrastructure at the boundary (or possibly outside) of their EEZ.
Further, Russia's fleet of ice-capable ships numbers more than 60 vessels, with 10 under construction.
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As this new ocean opens up before our eyes, Russia has made their intentions known:
If it moves through the Arctic, it's subject to Russian permission.
And Denmark, despite being a NATO ally, has done little to bolster Greenland as a deterrent to Russian expansionism.
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The US and Canada could both be presently said to be semi-reluctant Arctic nations.
While the US maintains Thule AFB on Greenland, and a host of installations in Alaska, it has only recently begun to take the Arctic seriously as an emergent threat.
Outside of Russia's proximity to the western reaches of Alaska, the US and Canada have always enjoyed the benefit of the frozen Arctic as a geographic deterrent to aggression from the north.
With the changing ice patterns, new avenues of threat are being exposed.
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Russia has its eyes on Greenland's mineral wealth and strategic location as much as the US does.
A US-owned Greenland (and thus control of its EEZ), would fully commit the US to the Arctic and provide a much stronger deterrent to Russian aggression than Denmark will offer.
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Now, a quick detour to explain Freedom of Navigation Operations (FONOPS):
This is a crucial tactic of great power navies, and is used regularly as a "probing" maneuver by China, Russia, US, etc to test the willingness of a coastal nation to rise to encroachments of EEZs.
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China and the US, in particular, aggressively use FONOPs.
In the South and East China Seas, China often acts like a bully, patrolling the seas and straying into the EEZs and even territorial waters of other nations.
The US regularly does the same in Chinese-claimed waters.
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Outside of China's own coastal and littoral claims, China has targeted India in particular for FONOP pressure campaigns.
China wants to assert control over all the littoral waters of Eurasia as a hedge to US naval supremacy.
Separately, China worked hard to debt-trap the Maldives and secure influence over their EEZ.
An inability to use those shipping lanes would mean sailing 1,100 nm south, all the way around the US naval base (and EEZ) at the UK's island Diego Garcia.
India's growing naval, air, and anti-submarine capabilities backstop its posture of enforcing its EEZ claims - especially against Chinese FONOPs and undercover intelligence-gathering ops being run by regional powers like Pakistan and China.
Whether island or coastal nation, the ability for a land to extend 200 miles on-water has tremendous strategic value.
This puts into stark relief the need for nations to leverage all private and public resources at hand to be judicious stewards of their maritime domains.
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In summary, EEZs will continue to be flashpoints for local, regional, and great power conflicts.
As we've seen, the strategic value of maritime zones is only growing in importance.
And when the next great war comes, you can bet an EEZ will be involved.
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Thereโs a lot more uninformed opinions than facts swirling around X about how โtrade mathโ (duties, tariffs, VAT, etc) works between the US and other countries.
This is particularly true in light of President Trumpโs announcement on 13 Feb of the โFair and Reciprocal Trade Planโ.
Understanding that POTUS sees trade deficits as an existential challenge to US greatness is the Rosetta Stone for interpreting his directives on trade, the economy, and a whole range of adjacent geopolitical issues.
Given my 20 years in managing international freight, supply chains, and regulatory compliance (both in policy and private sector management), I wanted to help shed some light on how this all breaks down in the real world.
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Now, there are generally five categories of taxes applied to goods being sold under international trade regimes.
TARIFFS
This term is often confused by the layman to mean a specific type of punitive tax imposed on goods traded with other countries โ this is NOT TRUE, as a tariff (by definition) is simply any tax imposed on imported goods.
(Export tariffs do exist, but are not common, so for the purposes of this primer, weโll regard tariffs as being import-specific.)
However, in the real world, a tariff is generally an additional tax in addition to duties and punitive taxes (antidumping and countervailing) owed at the time of the goodsโ entry into the commerce of a country/region/state.
For historical context, interstate tariffs were a major contributing cause to the US Civil War, with the battle over interstate/international trade policy (not slavery) perhaps being the dominant economic issue facing the US from its inception until WW1.
These are a variable tax applied to a specific good based on its characteristics, which is then associated to a global Harmonized System (HS) code of 6 digits used in almost every country.
In the US, we use the more detailed Harmonized Tariff Schedule (HTS) 10-digit codes in lieu of the HS code for customs purposes on imports, with the first six digits of the HTS code conforming to the goodsโ related HS code. HTS codes are established by the US International Trade Commission.
For exports, US shippers may use HTS codes for most products, but typically use the related Schedule B codes set by the US Census Bureau under the Dept of Commerce when filing export entries.
This distinction is important to understand, as (in the US) HTS codes are the governing classification for when a good is also subject to additional tariffs, special rates of duty (free trade agreements, Column 2 duty rates applied to countries with non-normal trade relations to the US), antidumping, and countervailing duties.
Note: Most duties and other taxes are calculated ad valorem (โof the valueโ) as a percentage of the declared monetary value of the goods on the commercial invoice. Certain commodities, however, are calculated based on quantity, weights, measures, etc (i.e. cents per kg).
Another expert on the issue of supply chains, infrastructure, and national security - @JoshuaSteinman - frequently discusses the risk of covert or overt attacks on US logistics and energy infrastructure.
It also continues to be a leading concern of military/intel officials.
Hardening our infrastructure and ripping out Chinese-manufactured hardware and software from our ports, rail, roads, and air networks would be priority one if @SecretaryPete had any intention of doing his job.
๐จThread of Threads on Supply Chains and US Response During COVID-19
At the request of many readers, I'm compiling and pinning a master thread of all the long-form information I've prepared since the emergence of COVID-19.
New threads will be appended to this as I write them.
On the US' emergency response protocols, process, and limitations:
The US military, for all of its might, still faces physical limits of distance and time.
Control of key landmasses enables logistical operations at scale.
The US has one of the most important. China wants it.
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More than 1,700 km from the nearest mainland (India), Diego Garcia is the largest island in the Chagos Archipelago.
Originally discovered by the French in 1790, the British took control in the 1800's.
For NATO countries, it is an indispensible piece of the global puzzle.
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Nicknamed "Dodge" by American military personnel, DG has been the single point of failure for NATO operations anywhere in the Indo-Pacific theater stretching back to its buildout in 1980.
Its location and infrastructure are what make it irreplaceable.
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The axis of the world turns upon control of four resources:
Protein
Water
Energy
Firepower
The first is the subject of this thread.
China's enormous population demands massive amounts of protein.
And a war is on for it.
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Christmas Eve 2013, panicked calls to logistics managers working in the grain industry began flooding in.
Without notice, China had banned the import of any corn or corn co-product that contained more than a tiny trace of Syngenta's MIR162 transgenic trait.
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MIR162 (trade name "Viptera") was in its first full year of mass market release, spanning many hybrids of corn.
The trait is designed to kill insects that feed on corn plants, particularly various worms and corn borers.
These insects can devastate a farmer's bottom line.
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