On the steps of the New South Wales parliament with @VTeagueAus and Rajeev Gore after testifying to the Standing Committee on Electoral Matters about online voting in the 2019 #NSW state elections. Thanks to the MPs for their excellent questions. Here are a few points...
Point #1: One of the honourable members asked about the nature of proof. Can you really ever know, for example, the moon landings happened? The good need is we don’t need to go so deep down the rabbit hole.
In deciding to move toward online election we’re not interested in an ideal standard of perfection. interested in proof RELATIVE to the hand counted paper ballot system you were using before.
But with the crypto vulnerabilities @VTeagueAus et al. found in the SwissPost system (to which the iVote system is related) we really saw something new in the world: the ability to announce a fake result and issue a valid-looking proof of the contrary.
Point #2: Like the 2018 Ontario Municipal election, the 2019 NSW election experienced website slowdowns that prevented people from voting. You need to draw a big red circle around this one because no one seems to know WHY it happened.
It was similar in Ontario: the vendor acknowledged the problem was caused by an unauthorized bandwidth restriction but wouldn’t tell us which cities were affected or why the restriction happened.
We need to know what happened so we can learn from it. And we need to learn from it because some election officials actually believed something like this wouldn’t happen and had no backup plan for when the lights went out.
Point #3: NSW and indeed any election jurisdiction using online voting had benefitted in untold ways from independent public scrutiny and would be well advised to encourage it, for example like the Swiss do.
Restrictive tendencies of vendors and governments lead to bad outcomes. As @VTeagueAus pointed out in her submission, critical issues were found in the last three iVote deployments only during the election period.
Electoral commissions need time to let the truth and the facts of the case come out. Remember, Scytl actually issued a press release dismissing the SwissPost vulns as “misunderstandings.”
This kind of hostile interplay between vendors and researchers is common and it’s a problem. Just last week Voatz dismissed the MIT researchers findings as “flawed” and made “in bad faith” to the degree it “negated any degree of credibility.”
Point #4: One of the causes of the tension is applying commercial-grade software and business practices to building critical systems.
Did you know private election equipment vendors often don’t want you to know the identities of the people who own (and therefore control) their company? They actually consider this information “proprietary” and a “trade secret” from which they derive “actual value.”
This kind of secrecy is wildly inappropriate in the context of a democratic election. We have laws for this in campaign finance, but not for the agents counting and declaring the totals? Lord, lead us not into temptation.
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Setting aside the dubious normalization of ubiquitous ID checking, vaccine passports create new opportunities for inescapable data collection 🧵
Proponents of vaccine passports rightly point out that showing ID was something we previously had to do, like when buying alcohol or entering a bar
However, in those settings, a human looks at your ID. They don't record it. The interaction is ephemeral. They make a decision in the moment, then it's gone
I don't use remote online proctoring services in my courses. As a cybersecurity professor, I couldn't in good conscience make my students download and install something on their device that I wouldn't install myself. lfpress.com/news/local-new…
I couldn't in good conscience require my students to submit to facial recognition software when I wouldn't myself. Or grant such an app system-level privileges.
I hear the term "we're confident" thrown around altogether too much in the context of someone else's data and someone else's device. What I never hear is the indemnification. I never hear the pledge. Don't tell us how you're confident. Tell us how you're liable.
Compare: tiny ovals, excessive white space, implicit oval/candidate associations
Here's a thread debating whether this mark would be counted by a machine, which, you'll notice, is a very different question than "should this mark be counted?"
1/5 Online voting vendor @Voatz has been engaged in an alarming campaign in essence to become the gatekeepers of their own cyber accountability. Today I join 70 security experts in a letter admonishing their recent submission to the @USSupremeCourtdisclose.io/voatz-response…
2/5 Our response has an unusually diverse list of signatories from academia, industry, and government. It includes those who work in software security in general, as well as those who work in elections in particular, making the case that @Voatz's views are not widely held
3/5 In their amicus brief, @Voatz referenced their work with @Hacker0x01 as evidence of the "success" of their bug bounty program. Notable among the signatories of this letter, therefore, is @Hacker0x01 and a number of other bug bounty organizations
Remember when online voting vendor @Voatz referred a @UMich student to the authorities? Well now they're arguing to the @USSupremeCourt that the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act should not be narrowed to protect independent "unauthorized" security research supremecourt.gov/DocketPDF/19/1…
At issue is the question of whether independent cybersecurity research is necessary. @Voatz argues research and testing "can be performed by authorized parties" and that "unauthorized research" and dissemination of "theoretical security vulnerabilities" is "harmful".
.@Voatz describes bug bounties as "highly effective" and even references their past association with @Hacker0x01 while brazenly omitting that they were removed from the program for not "acting in good faith towards the security researcher community." cointelegraph.com/news/voatz-bug…
So @nicolejgoodman and I testified to @HoCCommittees#PROC that remote voting was doable for NON-SECRET votes. The report completely omits this crucial point and instead inexplicably recommends "conducting votes via SECRET ballots electronically"
We detailed in an @IRPP oped why NON-SECRET voting was necessary for verifiability. We submitted this breif to the committee and summarized it in our testimony. Incredibly, these arguments were all omitted from the report and our brief wasn't even cited. policyoptions.irpp.org/magazines/marc…
By selectively excluding key portions of expert testimony from the report that would have run contrary to the committee's eventual recommendation, I find myself sharing @CPC_HQ's assessment that the government "seemed committed to a specific outcome."