1/n Two interesting findings thus far from my analysis of Pew's March 2020 COVID-19 survey. First, white (and especially 'very') liberals are far more likely than all other ideological-racial subgroups to report being diagnosed with a mental health condition. Image
2/n Somewhat surprisingly, this difference further grows when we add standard controls Image
3/n We next turn to mean responses to this battery, which asks about the frequency at which respondents experienced specific mental health issues over the previous 7 days Image
4/n The differences are more modest here, but still significant ImageImage
5/n They are also robust to several potential confounds (e.g. job loss, pay-cuts, marital status) Image
6/n However, entering the 'mental health diagnosis' variable into the model does (perhaps naturally) narrow the difference. Image
7/n In other words, at least some of the differences in the covid-mental health battery between white liberals and others are accounted for by the former's higher likelihood of being diagnosed with a mental health condition.
8/n It's possible that the disparities in self-reported diagnosis are simply or partly a function of white liberals being more likely to seek mental health evaluations. I don't have the data to answer this question. But given that they also tend to score higher on neuroticism..
9/n (and, not to mention, score lower on life satisfaction/happiness), I think at least some of this difference is genuine.
10/n I didn't write this thread to mock white liberals or their apparently disproportionate rates of mental illness (and you shouldn't either). Rather, this is a question that's underexplored and which may shed light on attitudinal differences towards various social policies.
11/n Overall, and with one exception (white moderates), those in 18-29 age group are more likely to report being diagnosed with a mental health condition. The differences among white liberals, though, are striking: almost half of white liberals in this cohort report a diagnosis. Image
12/n @jean_twenge would like to get your thoughts on this. I know you've studied some of these trends.
13/n Big 5 personality profiles for white libs who report/don't report receiving a mental health condition diagnosis. Image
14/n One of the things that concern me about liberal social engineering and norm-promotion efforts is that they ostensibly cater to those who are emotionally fragile or those with specific personality profiles. Those with different personality profiles or have higher emotional..
15/n stability are just expected to shut up and deal with it.
16/n Some of you asked for it, so here is the last chart broken down by gender. Biggest gap within age x ideological groups is between white liberal men (33.6%) and women (56.3%) in the 18-29 category Image
17/n Link to original dataset pewsocialtrends.org/dataset/covid-…

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More from @ZachG932

Oct 20
1/ To what extent, if at all, is CRT being taught or promoted in America's pre-tertiary public schools? @epkaufm and I recently conducted a nationally representative survey of 18-20 year-olds to find out. While a full report of our findings will be published in the coming...
2/ ..months, we give you a preview of some of them in our latest @CityJournal article city-journal.org/yes-critical-r…

What follows is a summary thread.
3/ First, we contend that the 'CRT is a legal theory taught only in univ. law programs' retort from the Left is essentially a semantic distraction. The question is not whether students are being assigned the 'scholarship' of Crenshaw, Delgado, and other CR theorists. Rather..
Read 20 tweets
Sep 8
1/n I'm pleased to announce the release of my first (of what will hopefully be many) @ManhattanInst research publications. The current report examines racial gaps in Dem pro-depolicing attitudes through the framework of 'luxury beliefs' theory. manhattan-institute.org/is-defunding-t…
2/n What follows is a 🧵summarizing notable findings, the most interesting of which, I think, is that support for depolicing policies among white Democrats either increases or shows no sensitivity to local violent crime levels. More on this later.
3/n First, we begin with the observation that--prior to 2020--Dem support for reducing state police spending and federal spending on dealing with crime was low across the board, differing very little by race/ethnicity. Image
Read 59 tweets
Sep 2
1/n If 2016 was the year white liberals started rating non-whites more warmly than whites, 2020 was the year they started.. a) rating whites as more violent than blacks
..b) rating whites as more lazy than blacks
..and c) rating whites as less intelligent than blacks
Read 7 tweets
Dec 30, 2021
1/n After trailing them somewhat in 2016, white Dems (51.8%) are now significantly more likely (p=0.001) than non-white Dems (43.6%) to prioritize the use of 'inclusive'/PC language over speaking frankly about issues and problems facing the country. Little change among white Reps
2/n Disaggregating the Dem racial/ethnic groups, whites are sig. more likely to give this response than blacks and hispanics, but are virtually tied with their Asian counterparts (who, as some contend, do their best to ape woke white elite sensibilities )
3/n Checking in on white liberals, the figures overall (56%) are very similar as those among Dems. Somewhat surprisingly, though, sex differences in this response are fairly modest
Read 7 tweets
Dec 17, 2021
1/n 53% of white liberals (48% of white Dems) think that white people should feel guilty about racial inequality
2/n Needless to say, this is more or less the purpose of equity-oriented K-12 curriculums--i.e., cultivate white support for race-conscious/anti-white policies via the inculcation of collective guilt and shame.
3/n Alas, and as my dissertation research suggests, it may actually be an effective strategy. And I suspect proponents of such curricula *know* this (I mean, the relevant literature explicitly discusses shame and guilt in terms of its utility for effecting social change).
Read 4 tweets
Dec 8, 2021
1/n Very briefly (I'm vacationing in India atm), the 2016 CCES Team Module of American University shows that 30% of white liberals (19% white cons) don't think there ANY IQ diffs between wealthy and poor people. Among those that believe there *are* diffs..
2/n 32.6% of white liberals (vs. ~18% of cons) indicated that genes were 'not important at all' in these differences, which was their modal response choice
3/n Generally speaking, the Left is more likely to deny genetic attributions for outcome differences between economic classes and advantaged vs. disadvantaged social groups. They may accept their relevance to differences between individuals--but economic classes and..
Read 4 tweets

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