What @cmyeaton excellently describes as a "cycle of panic and neglect” is truly one of the major dynamics that have shaped global health politics since the 19th century. I have made that argument, from a historical perspective, several times since the start of the pandemic: 1/
Last week I wrote for the @washingtonpost about why Trump's attacks will only exacerbate the problems that have always hampered the WHO, and why the history of global health says we need to break out of the „cycle of panic and neglect” instead 2/
One example I mention in the piece for how the West’s relationship with global health has gone through phases of indifference occasionally interrupted by erratic spikes in attention is HIV/AIDS. 3/
As WHO got more heavily involved in HIV/AIDS towards the late 1980s, when the virus was about to devastate the Global South, Western states started losing interest, as they had largely contained the virus. 4/
Consequently, throughout the 1990s, the WHO struggled to acquire needed funding as the pandemic spread around the globe, and the vast majority of infections and deaths have occurred after people in the West simply stopped caring about the disease. 5/
Another example is Ebola: Whereas there was massive attention for the 2014/15 Ebola epidemic in West Africa, since 2018 Central Africa has been experiencing the second worst Ebola epidemic in recorded history — and it has barely caused a reaction. 6/
I also went on the #InfectiousHistorians podcast to talk about the history of global health and how Covid-19 fits into that story – and we touched on the overall dynamics of “panic and neglect,” or fear and indifference, several times. 7/
In a broader historical perspective Cholera is a striking example of what @cmyeaton calls the cycle of panic and neglect. In the 19th century Cholera actually dominated the European imagination of health threats after it had first reached the continent in the 1830s. 8/
The last major cholera outbreaks in the West occurred in the late 19th century – and ever since the disease has been relegated to an afterthought in the West’s imagination. In a global perspective, however, cholera is still a massive problem. 9/
After all, some of the most devastating cholera epidemics in history occurred very recently, in Haiti in 2010-14 and in Yemen after 2016. And yet, the reaction in the West to such suffering on a massive scale has been shockingly muted. 10/
I have tried to provide such a longer-term historical perspective, going back to the beginnings of what can be called a “modern” international health politics, in several extended threads – here: 11/
And here, with a focus on the 1940s, when the vision of “world health” briefly animated international cooperation and it seemed, for a moment, that it might be possible to establish a more sustained interest in matters of global health 12/
A few weeks back I contextualized Covid-19 historically in this lecture-turned-podcast on “The Age of Pandemics” – and the “cycle of neglect and panic” plays a crucial role in my telling of the history of global health since 1850. 13/
Finally, for those who read German, I’ll have a longer essay in the July issue of @redaktionmerkur making that very argument by looking at how the international community has dealt with the threat of infectious disease from cholera to Covid-19. /end
Sunday Reading: The Modern Conservative Tradition and the Origins of Trumpism
Today’s Trumpist radicals are not (small-c) conservatives – but they stand in the continuity of Modern Conservatism’s defining political project.
This week’s piece (link in bio):
🧵1/
I focus on some of Modern Conservatism’s intellectual leaders in the 1950s/60s - Buckley and Bozell, Whittaker Chambers’ diagnosis of liberalism, and Frank Meyer’s view of the civil rights movement - to investigate the origins of a radicalizing dynamic that led to Trumpism. 2/
Crucially, today’s self-identifying “counter-revolutionaries” on the Right do not think they represent a departure – in fact, they claim to be fighting in the name of the *real* essence that defined Modern Conservatism, which in their mind now very much requires radicalism. 3/
The Modern Conservative Tradition and the Origins of Trumpism
Today’s Trumpist radicals are not (small-c) conservatives – but they stand in the continuity of Modern Conservatism’s defining political project.
New piece (link in bio):
What should we call the pro-Trump forces that are dominating the American Right today? Conservatives? Reactionaries? Something else? The terminology really matters because it reflects and shapes how we think about the nature of Trumpism and how to situate it in U.S. history.
We need to distinguish between colloquial or abstract philosophical notions of what it means to be (small-c) “conservative” - and the political project that referred to itself (and was widely referred to) as the Conservative Movement in post-1950s America.
Meet the Ideologue of the “Post-Constitutional” Right
Russell Vought, one of the architects behind Project 2025, believes there is nothing left to conserve. He desires revolution – and to burn down the system.
Some thoughts from my new piece (link in bio):
🧵1/
I wrote about Russel Vought’s ideology of “radical constitutionalism” that captures the defining sensibility on the Trumpist Right: The Left has command of America, all that is noble has been destroyed, nothing short of a radical “counter-revolution” can now save the nation. 2/
Vought’s case is emblematic of the Right’s trajectory more broadly: From, at least rhetorically, claiming “small government” principles and “constitutional conservatism” to an ever more aggressive desire to mobilize the coercive powers of the state against the “enemy within.” 3/
Meet the Ideologue of the “Post-Constitutional” Right
Russell Vought, one of the architects behind Project 2025, believes there is nothing left to conserve. He desires revolution – and to burn down the system.
New piece (link in bio):
I wrote about Russel Vought’s ideology of “radical constitutionalism” that captures the defining sensibility on the Trumpist Right: The Left has command of America, all that is noble has been destroyed, nothing short of a radical “counter-revolution” can now save the nation.
Vought’s case is emblematic of the Right’s trajectory more broadly: From – at least rhetorically – claiming “small government” principles and “constitutional conservatism” to an ever more aggressive desire to mobilize the coercive powers of the state against the “enemy within.”
Why the Stakes in this Election Are So Enormously High
Democracy itself is on the ballot. If Trump wins, the extreme Right will be in a much better position than ever before to abolish it.
Some thoughts from my new piece - while we all nervously wait (link in bio):
🧵1/
Consider this my closing argument: As of right now, only one of the two major parties in the United States, the Democratic Party, for all its many flaws, is a (small-d) democratic party. The other one is firmly in the hands of a radicalizing ethno-nationalist movement. 2/
The fault lines in the struggle over whether or not the democratic experiment should be continued map exactly onto the fault lines of the struggle between the two parties. Democracy is now a partisan issue. Therefore, in every election, democracy itself is on the ballot. 3/
Combine the myth of American exceptionalism, (willful) historical ignorance, and a lack of political imagination and the result is a situation in which a lot of people refuse to take the Trumpist threat seriously.
There is a pervasive idea that in a country like the United States, with a supposedly centuries-long tradition of stable, consolidated democracy, authoritarianism simply has no realistic chance to succeed, that “We” have never experienced authoritarianism.
But the political system that was stable for most of U.S. history was a white man’s democracy, or racial caste democracy. There is absolutely nothing old or consolidated about *multiracial, pluralistic democracy* in America. It only started less than 60 years ago.