We should know as much about the atrocities committed by British governments in the 20th Century as the Germans do about theirs. But most people in the UK would have no idea what I’m referring to.
In this week’s column I try to put that right. theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
This is Sir Evelyn Baring.
As governor of Kenya from 1952-59, he commissioned a system of concentration and slave labour camps, in which tens of thousands were tortured and mutilated, beaten and burnt to death.
He is Dominic Cummings’s grandfather-in-law.
Every schoolchild should know his name. But his cover-ups and deceptions were so ruthless and effective, and supported so comprehensively by the British government, that his great crimes are almost unknown to us.
Please remember, this was post-war. He reinvented the concentration camp and slave labour system *after* the Allies had defeated Germany to "save the world from barbarism". When he returned from Kenya, he was made a baron, in recognition of his services to the British empire.
I was brought up to believe that men like this were the epitome of honour and decency. He was an upstanding, dignified, patrician and highly respected mass murderer.
His family fortune was built on slavery, so perhaps it was easy for him to reinvent the slave labour camp in the 1950s. But the wealth of almost the entire British establishment was built on slavery and grabbing land, labour and loot in Britain, Ireland and across the empire.
The mass murder, theft and barbarism on which their wealth and power was built required a justifying ideology. That ideology is called racism. Racism? An ideology? Yes. It was systematically constructed, as an explanation and justification for conquest and looting.
It is hard for many people to understand the extent to which racism was invented, as a deliberate, justifying project. Sven Lindqvist explains it in Exterminate All the Brutes. It began, as a systemic theory, in Britain.
Sir Evelyn Baring was the personification of these attitudes. They were inculcated, by subtle and less subtle means, through the English private school system. As WH Auden wrote, “The best reason I have for opposing fascism is that at school I lived in a fascist state."
The private school system, steeped in astonishing and brutalising cruelty, sexual, emotional and physical abuse, where boys boarded from the age of 7 or 8, was designed to break attachments to home and family, and replace them with attachments to state, class and empire.
It created a kamikaze caste of young men, detached from their own feelings and the feelings of other people, fanatically devoted to king and country. I try to explain it here. monbiot.com/2013/01/28/ano…
The attitudes it inculcated still infest our political class and govern our perceptions of ourselves. Our task is not only to recover our history. It is also to recover our psychology.
The radical incompetence of British leaders, epitomised by Boris Johnson, is not only the result of selection by class, not merit. It's also because they are taught not to care. Millions have their lives ruined because, from the private school perspective, they're expendable.
This is why a 22 year old footballer has a clearer idea of what this country needs than the Prime Minister does.
When you review these histories, you begin to realise how much there is at stake, and why the likes of Johnson and Cummings will stop at nothing. It's not just wealth and power they are defending, but an entire infrastructure of identity and belief, propped up by massive lies.
If the lies collapse, so does the belief system. Then the game's up for Conservatism and the interests it exists to defend. As the dominant classes sense their psychic power weakening, they frantically seek to shore it up. Hence the culture war Johnson is trying to start.
To admit to these national histories is, when you've been through the private school system, to admit to your own history: the abuses and brutalisation that trained you to dominate others without a flicker of empathy or guilt. And then your own psychic defences are at grave risk.
So this issue, that might seem obscure and "all a long time ago" to some, is actually existential to the dominant classes. If they can no longer mesmerise themselves and the rest of the nation with these massive lies, they are, in all senses, lost.
I have a disquieting sense that we have scratched only the surface of this. I feel there is likely to be a lot more to discover, both in British history and in the way it plays out through current politics and power structures.
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1. People are objecting to my lashing of academics and intellectuals in today's column. I understand this. Here’s my reasoning. I chose examples of topics that are endlessly circled by researchers with ever diminishing returns, while huge and existential questions are ignored.🧵
2. I see the obsession with the Bloomsbury Group etc as highfalutin celebrity culture. The effort and attention spent on it, in scholarship, publishing and reviews, seems to me to signal a deep sickness at the heart of intellectual endeavour. It has a name. Denial.
3. It reminds me of Eliot’s comparison of the mindless gossip in the pub with the mindless gossip in the high society salon in Part II of The Wasteland:
"‘Are you alive, or not? Is there nothing in your head?’
But O O O O that Shakespeherian Rag -
It’s so elegant
So intelligent"
1. A few days ago, I wrote a thread about the pros and cons of staying on this platform and asked for your views. They were very helpful. As a result, I’ve decided to stop using X from January 20. Already I’m mostly posting now on BlueSky (@georgemonbiot.bsky.social) instead.🧵
2. I won’t delete this account, as I don’t want to lose the archive. But I won’t post anything here after then. Will you join me in setting January 20th (a significant date) for the Xodus?
3. I thought for a while that the best alternative would be Threads. But Meta’s deliberate downgrading of political content and suspension of journalists on Threads rules it out as a prime platform for people like me. .theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
1. Who really won the US election? The fossil fuel companies and other polluting industries. We scarcely heard about them during the election campaign, which is just how they like it. Almost everything we *did* hear about was a distraction from the real agenda. 🧵
2. Trump’s campaign was an economic war against the interests of almost everyone on Earth, on behalf of the planet’s most powerful and destructive industries. But it was dressed up, as always, as a culture war: a trick that has been used to great effect for more than a century.
3. It’s not as if Biden/Harris were seriously curtailing polluting industries, especially oil and gas. It’s shocking how little Harris even mentioned the existential threat to humanity that climate breakdown presents. But now? It’s a free-for-all.
1. Here are my thoughts on the pros and cons of staying on this platform.
Pro: We were here long before Musk took it over. We built this.
Con: He has used our creation to help elect a far-right autocrat, and build his own grim political career.
🧵
2. Pro: We should never cede any space, real or virtual, to the far right. Fascist trolls are trying to drive us out. Don't give them the satisfaction.
Con: Our presence could be used to legitimise a far-right hellsite.
3. Pro: It remains, amid the viciousness, a good place to share information, ideas and opinions.
Con: It is also an abysmal, dispiriting place to inhabit, the humour, lightness and kindness crushed by bots and trolls.
1. My column on what happened, what comes next, and just how easy our fake democracies are to overthrow. + short thread on where our remaining hopes lie. theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
2. People seek to destroy what they feel excluded from. Centralised “democracies” exclude all but a rarefied circle from genuine power. Centralised democracy is a contradiction in terms.
3. Disempowered people tend to be profoundly unimpressed by “rational arguments” for this faction or for that one: they have an entirely reasonable desire – however unreasonable its expression may be – to kick the system over.
1. Trump’s preposterous claim that a “savage Venezuelan prison gang” has “taken over Times Square” is a reminder that people like him actually know nothing about the world, because they never step out of their suites and chauffered cars, offices and private planes.🧵
2. The ruling class doesn’t do its own shopping, or wander around town, or use public transport, or walk into an ordinary café or bar, or join a queue or wait for anything.
3. They are totally reliant on other people – or their own lurid imaginations – to tell them what the world outside their air-conditioned bubble is like. And they appear to imagine a festering pit of humanity. Everyone outside the bubble is perceived as a threat.