In 3 weeks, the federal government plans to continue its executions on the federal row, with the execution of #LezmondMitchell, the only Native American on the federal row. This is over the objections of the Navajo Nation, of which Mitchell & his 2 victims are/were members.
.@DPInfoCtr reports this will be the first time in more than 50 years that the federal govt will execute a Native person for a crime committed against other members of their tribe on tribal lands. Navajo Nation officials oppose the death penalty for Mitchell... #LezmondMitchell
...as antithetical to their culture and practices. Mitchell unsuccessfully attempted to challenge his conviction and sentence over exclusions of Native Americans from the jury and racial bias. His execution is set for August 26th. #LezmondMitchell
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🚨Did you know that Oregon has NO minimum age of prosecution for kids? Tomorrow, we have a chance to change that when the House Judiciary Committee holds a public hearing on HB 2327, a bill we’re supporting to introduce a minimum prosecution age of 12.
From 2017-2021, more than a thousand Oregon children aged 7-11 had some form of contact with the juvenile justice system or were in a situation where they could be arrested, charged, and prosecuted in juvenile court.
Subjecting children to the court process and putting them in juvenile detention is harming them. They will face more barriers to education and employment and their physical and mental health will worsen. BIPOC, LGBTQIA+ and low-income children are disproportionately affected.
New York City is not alone. There is a gap between the media coverage of shootings and the number of incidents in Portland.
This then, leads the public and lawmakers to call for increase police budgets and number of officers on the streets. Let's call it what it is: Copaganda.
The increase in gun violence that we have seen over the last two years has little to do with police budgets and staffing, but rather, has a direct correlation to the Covid-19 pandemic and economic burden it has placed on communities.
We know that investing in upstream services and investing in infrastructure such as street lighting and traffic calming barrels has reduced violent crime, while the number of officers has not shown any correlation with the number of crimes in Portland.
This report from Independent Police Review is called "Lessons Learned: City's response to protests exposed vulnerabilities in Portland's police accountability system," but we don't think the lesson has been learned. portland.gov/sites/default/…
"Hundreds of hours of video footage showed repeated incidents of officers resorting to physical control methods with both passive protestors and aggressive resistors."
The report does not include that Oregon legislators rolled back teargas and impact munition restrictions this past legislative session in 2022.
"Despite what you may hear in the local news, neither violent crime or property crime is spiking in the city."
On houselessness, and addressing serious concerns in safety: "What we are seeing is the result of 30+ years of public disinvestment in social services, increase in police budgets, and an economic model that has benefited the few, at the expense of many."
Overall crime rate in the last seven years stayed fairly steady, with a slight increase after the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic. The average in the last seven years is still sitting at 84% of crimes being non-violent. (that's as far back as the website goes)
🧵 "Where are we now? From Black Lives Matter uprising to tough-on-crime backlash, and what's happening in Portland."
A timeline:
1960s: Civil Rights Movement
1960s-1970s: Tough-on-crime rhetoric & declaration of War on Drugs
1970s: Onset of mass incarceration and drastic increase in policing
2013-2020: Black Lives Matter Uprising
Now: Increased tough-on-crime rhetoric & policies
Shortly after the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, widespread tough-on-crime narratives rolled in the creation of the New Jim Crow- mass incarceration.