Some thoughts on this deep dive by the @EconomicTimes into the making of the Data Protection Report (article unfortunately paywalled, but honestly, just this one alone is worth the subscription).
@EconomicTimes When the Data Protection Report came out, many of us voiced concern about how surveillance reform was completely excluded.
Now it turns out that the same people who were drafting the Data Protection Report were also advising government on NATGRID.
(2/N)
@EconomicTimes And not to mention, had argued against the right to privacy in the Supreme Court.
You may have the best will in the world, but simultaneously advising the government on how to facilitate a national surveillance database, while drafting a data protection report...?
(3/n)
This is like putting the wolf in charge of the sheephouse. The wolf may be a nice guy. He's still a wolf.
(4/n)
It was also pointed out when the Data Protection Report came out that it seemed to be explicitly drafted to "save" Aadhaar. Someone sarcastically called it the "Aadhaar Saving Report." Well, the people drafting it had facilitated the Aadhaar Act and defended it in Court.
(5/n)
What you effectively get in the end, therefore, is not "independent" work, but - and there's a lot in the ET report that indicates this, including comments by committee members - work that is beholden to government and private interests, such as NATGRID, Aadhaar etc.
(6/n)
Closing this thread by emphasising once again that this is not about individuals.
This is about a broken system of lawmaking, defined by opacity and backdoor facilitation of government interest under the mask of framing an "independent" Data Protection law.
(7/n)
In conclusion, repeating yesterday's point: the moral and ethical responsibility of wielding law as a weapon against people's rights is a heavy one.
Don't be the drafters of India's equivalent of the torture memos.
(8/8)
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Pending longer analysis on the blog (not be me), a couple of quick clarifications about today’s sub-classification judgment.
1. SC hasn’t said that states *have* to sub-classify. It has said that they *can* sub-classify, based only on empirical data of relative marginalisation.
2. The only question before the SC in these proceedings was whether the previous judgment in EV Chinnaiah’s case - which said that sub-classification is *unconstitutional* - was correct or not. The SC said it wasn’t correct, based on the wording of Art 341 of the Constitution.
3. There was no other question before the Court, including “creamy layer.” Nor have the four judges who’ve (unnecessarily) talked about “creamy layer” issued any binding or enforceable directives to the State. At the highest I think these have no more legal force than advisories.
Just re-read the 2013 judgment of the Gauhati HC that declared the CBI to be unconstitutional, primarily on federalism grounds. So well-researched and reasoned.
No wonder it was immediately stayed by the SC, which hasn't touched it in the last 11 years:
Interestingly, the judgment of the Gauhati HC came exactly a month after the Bombay HC passed a diametrically opposite judgment upholding the validity of the NIA. The federalism arguments raised in both cases were almost identical (Entry 8 List I, etc).
The difference between the two judgments was that the Gauhati HC based its analysis on a close reading of history (including the CA Debates) to arrive at its interpretation of how the federal scheme deals with policing. The Bombay HC did not.
Reading this excellent book, which has a lot of resonance with present-day events.
Sharing some of the most striking paragraphs.
“Mau Mau had to be eliminated at all costs,” he later recalled, “something had to be done to remove these people from society.”
Thinking about where that kind of language has been used recently.
“He and his finance minister, Ernest Vasey, despaired that Mau Mau was not communist. Had it been, the British government would have given them a blank check to suppress the movement, as it had done with General Templar and the communist uprising in British colonial Malaya.”
In light of recent events with respect to the Election Commission, there is persistent confusion about the constitutionality of the current selection process, and the Supreme Court's 2023 judgment on the appointment of Election Commissioners.
A brief thread. (1/n)
Article 324(2) of the Constitution grants to the President the power to appoint the Election Commissioners, subject to Parliamentary law.
The intention of the framers of the Constitution was that the President's power would be transitional, until Parliament made a law.
Have seen some confusion about the new Election Commissioners Bill, and what the SC held in its judgment earlier this year. Here is a brief thread to clear a few things up.
Earlier this year, a 5J-bench of the SC passed a detailed judgment on the independence of the EC. [1/n]
The SC was examining Article 324(2) of the Constitution, which says that appointment of the CEC and ECs shall "subject to the provisions of any law made in that behalf by Parliament, be made by the President."
Examining this provision in light of its context, its history, the debates in the Constituent Assembly, and the role of the EC, the Court found that the intention behind Article 324(2) had been that Parliament would soon pass a detailed law securing an *independent* EC. [3/n]