Michael Pettis Profile picture
Sep 13, 2020 11 tweets 3 min read Read on X
1/
They've said this many times before, Noah, but things have been getting consistently worse, not better. The amount of debt it takes to generate a unit of GDP has been growing rapidly, even as GDP growth has slowed, and within Beijing there is a fierce debate about whether...
2/
or not they should take aggressive steps to get debt under control, even if this results in much slower growth and a rise in unemployment. Last year for example there was a big debate over whether to target 6% GDP growth or something much lower. If they did not think the...
3/
debt were a serious problem, and if they believed that Chinese growth was healthy, real and meaningful, why would they even bother having this debate?

The biggest disagreement I have with the Economist, I would say, is over their failure to understand the sources of...
4/
Chinese debt and why the debt burden matters. They seem to think that the fact that China has avoided a financial crisis means that debt isn't that big of a problem, whereas I would argue that China was never likely to have a financial crisis, not because debt isn't a...
5/
problem but rather because financial crises are balance-sheet events, and with its closed banking system and strong regulators, Beijing can restructure liabilities at will and so can quite easily prevent a balance-sheet crisis.

The real test is whether it is possible for...
6/
China to maintain high growth rates without much faster growth in the debt that must fund huge amounts of non-productive investment. These two are related, of course, because if most debt goes to fund investment, and if the investment is productive, there is no way a...
7/
country's debt-to-GDP ratio can grow so rapidly and for so long.

But if anything is clear, it is that China simply cannot tolerate any slowdown in the growth in debt without suffering a very, very sharp slowdown in GDP growth. We know from the history of investment-driven...
8/
growth "miracles" that the problem always arises once total debt stops growing faster than GDP. In that case the country either adjusts in the form of a crisis or in the form of "lost decades" of much slower growth, and a considerable part of that adjustment consists of...
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writing down years and years of misallocated investment that was capitalized when it should have been expensed (similar to what Galbraith referred to as the "bezzle").

That, by the way, is one of the main differences between growing debt in China and growing debt in...
10/
the US, Europe and elsewhere. In the former case the expenditures are capitalized and show up as increases in wealth, but not in the latter cases.

We have no idea of how long China can sustain this growth in debt, but we also know that the longer it goes on, the more...
11/
difficult the adjustment will be. Until then, nothing has really changed, in my opinion.

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More from @michaelxpettis

May 30
1/8
In a piece for Caixin, Wu Ge, chief economist at Changjiang Securities, writes: "The economic fallout from the real estate slump has been masked in part by strong overseas demand for Chinese goods."

caixinglobal.com/2025-05-29/com…
2/8
"If foreign demand takes a turn for the worse," he continues, "it will become clear just how important real estate is to stabilizing China’s economy."

He's right, and he makes a very important point.
3/8
In 2021-22 China's property sector, after reaching some of the highest levels in history, began such an extended collapse that in any other economy it would have set off much lower growth and even recession. But there was no associated slowdown in China's GDP growth rate.
Read 8 tweets
May 28
1/7
Very good FT article on how China achieved its dominance in manufacturing, along with the cost both to China and to its trading partners: "Using a unique combination of industrial policy, subsidies and other state-support coupled with private sector...
ft.com/content/724431…
2/7
entrepreneurialism and ferocious competition in China’s vast market, the country was able to sharply increase the share of Chinese producers domestically and internationally in many of the sectors, in some cases matching or exceeding foreign competitors’ technology."
3/7
Because the subsidies and other state support mostly came in the form of direct and indirect transfers from the household sector, the huge expansion in China's manufacturing sector was also the flip side of the huge contraction in the consumption share of GDP.
Read 7 tweets
May 27
1/4
SCMP: "China has become the leading debt collector of developing countries, shifting from a net capital provider, “as bills coming due from its belt and road lending surge in the 2010s now far outstrip new loan disbursements”."

via @scmpnewssc.mp/gtrfe?utm_sour…
2/4
It may not seem so at first, but this has trade implications. Some analysts have argued that if the US is successful in reducing its trade deficit, China can manage the process by redirecting its exports to developing countries.
3/4
But if developing countries are going to replace any part of the US accommodation of global trade surpluses, they can only do this with rising deficits, which in turn must be financed with rising net capital inflows.
Read 4 tweets
May 26
1/7
SCMP: "Xu Lin, who helped draft Beijing’s five-year plan for decades while an official at the National Development and Reform Commission, has called...
scmp.com/economy/china-…
2/7
for China’s annual growth target to be lowered for the next five years to 4%, factoring in the likelihood of a protracted rivalry with the United States and the need to solve deep-rooted structural problems in China."
3/7
The country's GDP growth target is not the best estimate of what the economy can deliver in any given period but rather a target designed to achieve a growth rate that satisfies political needs.
Read 7 tweets
May 22
1/12
This Liberty Street account of trade makes the same mistakes most mainstream American economists make when it comes to explaining the US trade deficit.

libertystreeteconomics.newyorkfed.org/2025/05/why-do…
2/12
Thomas Klitgaard notes, correctly, that by definition the US current account is equal to the excess of US investment over US savings.

But then he insists that causality can only run in one direction: from the internal account to the external account.
3/12
In other words, he claims that US savings and US investment are both determined by domestic factors (mainly low US savings), and because the former is less than the latter, the US must turn to foreigners to fill the gap.
Read 12 tweets
May 21
1/9
Martin Wolf says the world has three options in considering the future of the hegemonic role of the dollar. One is "continued domination by the dollar". Another is that some other currency, perhaps the euro or even the renminbi, replace it as hegemon.

ft.com/content/d96568…
2/9
And the third is "a world with two or three competing currencies, each dominant in different regions."

The first option means maintaining the existing system, with all it problems, but I suspect that this may be much easier said than done.
3/9
Since the GFC, there has been a transformation of the way in which we think about the global trade and capital regime, along with a growing bipartisan consensus in the US that the costs to the US economy, and especially to its manufacturing sector, have become unsustainable.
Read 9 tweets

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