Johnson’s UK Internal Market Bill is crucial not just because of proposals to break international law on Irish border. Also for its impact on devolution & governance of entire UK.
So: another step-by-step guide to key issues arising from Johnson's plans.
Voila:
1) Regulation of internal UK trade wasn’t much of a problem until Brexit. When UK joined EU, there was no devolution. When devolution happened, EU rules helped structure operation of UK market. Only a few issues ever bubbled up as points of tension, eg university tuition fees
2) But Brexit now makes it important to decide how regulatory differences across UK will impact on trade in goods and services. If Scotland has different rules on X or Y or Z, how far should those different rules prevent English goods / services being sold / provided in Scotland?
3) Trade law offers “toolkit” of principles to help decide how far regulatory differences should be allowed to disrupt trade. Most important is mutual recognition: if X is lawful in Territory A, then X can also be provided in Territory B, even if latter has different rules
4) MR is very effective trade tool (+ easy to manage, since no need for everyone to have same rules). But means Territory B must live with practical consequences of other countries picking different/lower rules. Might limit Territory B’s ability to enforce own social preferences
5) so many systems that rely on MR (like EU) incorporate safeguards into its application, eg wide range of justifications, so that Territory B can enforce its better / higher standards against incoming goods / services, eg to protect health / environment / consumers / workers
6) moreover, important that trade law tools take into account unique features of each internal market. In UK, that means the complete dominance of England over other parts of UK, not only in terms of population and economy, but also as regards political and constitutional power.
7) So UK “toolkit” needs to incorporate effective safeguards for devolved countries: able to make different choices without either London being able to overrule them at will; or English goods/services simply flooding local market & rendering devolved choices redundant in practice
8) yet that's precisely the internal market model Johnson has proposed in Bill: contains strong principles such as mutual recognition, applying across large sectors of economy, with only limited opportunities for devolved institutions to enforce own laws against English imports
9) which explains why Scotland & Wales are so angry: devolution looks OK on paper, but in practice, UKIM rules have potential to discourage regulatory innovation and limit capacity of devolved countries to pursue different economic or social choices from those made in London
10) important to stress: this isn’t directly about Scottish (or Welsh) independence - even if anger and resentment can obviously / understandably fuel calls for leaving UK. This is about respecting existing devolution settlements even within context of continuing UK membership...
11) how would I improve Bill? By recognising that real problem with UK internal market is not Scotland / Wales wanting to do things differently. It's the fact that, without proper constraints, these proposals will magnify England’s economic & constitutional dominance yet further
12) Eg much wider system of justifications, allowing Scotland & Wales to refuse mutual recognition for sake of broad public interest objectives. Eg proper system of pre-legislative dialogue between equals, allowing potential trade problems to be identified & resolved in advance
13) So while Bill is very important for Northern Ireland, EU-UK relations, rule of law, UK reputation etc… it is also very important for the entire constitutional management of the UK itself and especially for respecting devolution in Scotland and Wales.
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It's bemusing that those Brexitists who spent years shouting loudest "you lost, get over it" are now the ones who appear least able to accept the consequences of their own actions. Less funny? The indelible stains that their lie-to-victory tactics leave on UK public life, eg...
... today alone we read that Sunak Government promises DUP new legislation whose sole apparent aim = to confirm the existence of an objectively verifiable and incontrovertible fact: that NI is part of the UK. Parliament's job is now to tell us "earth revolves around sun"?! And...
... even respectable media outlets offering credibility to bizarre Johnson-led conspiracy theory about how someone now changing their job has the automatic effect of also retroactively changing their past behaviour. Brexit Britain really does lead the world in scientific marvels!
Having read the various elements of the “Windsor Framework” (the title may be designed to appeal to unionists, but it is actively alienating for nationalists)... here is a short thread summarising my second impressions:
1) recall main pillars of existing Protocol: NI follows certain EU rules on goods= avoids hard border with IRL + gets privileged Single Market access; but UK accepts degree of internal separation between NI-GB; & EU accepts part of its external frontier is in hands of 3rd country
2) against that background, new deal = complex package of diverse measures: amendments to Protocol, changes to decisions taken under Protocol, changes to EU & UK legislation, joint recommendations & declarations, unilateral declarations & commitments etc… Not easy to navigate!
Reading parallel documents on new Protocol deal published by UK Gov & by Commission = sometimes hard to believe they're talking about same thing. Partly because Tories can't resist usual propaganda (evil EU red tape, great Brexit freedoms, blah blah blah). But first impression?
May not be such a radical transformation as UK Gov claims. But certainly very significant changes here. Yes, many Protocol fundamentals remain intact. But both sides have reinforced compromises required to prevent hard IRL/NI border while also protecting EU & UK internal markets.
Exemplified by green/red lane system: much simplified movement of GB goods into NI if pose no risk to Single Market; but subject to multiple conditions & promise of robust enforcement. Adjustment of original compromise, rather than rewriting of entire system, but still major deal
Protocol deal sounds very interesting, but full significance depends on draft legal texts. Eg "Stormont Break": will it apply to all future changes to EU law inc to acts already listed in Protocol; or is veto only for future changes to EU law within scope, but not listed as such?
After all, eg if "Stormont Break" only applies to future EU measures relevant to, but not already listed in, Protocol, Art 13 already foresees need for EU & UK to agree on application to NI / deal with consequences if not. So new deal creates *internal* UK process to decide that.
In that case: "Stormont Break" wouldn't affect existing Protocol system whereby future changes to any EU rules that is already listed in text will automatically apply to NI - without intervention of UK, central or devolved, other than Assembly's overall power to reject Protocol.
It's tedious having to repeat ourselves every time Protocol on IRL/NI hits UK headlines (so many past threads...) but bottomless pit of Brexit dishonesty & incompetence makes the task unavoidable.
So... a few simple bullet points, reminding us how to refute common ERG/DUP lies:
1) Brexit means borders. Inherent and inescapable. And after all, borders are what the Brexitists wanted. But in the case of NI, that border cannot be across land with IRL. So it has to be across sea with GB. Only question is: how visible and cumbersome will that sea border be?
2) If UK had chosen "soft Brexit" (continued membership of customs union and single market) the NI/GB border could have been minimal. But ERG/DUP supported "hard Brexit" = extreme dislocation between EU and UK. Which inevitably meant NI/GB border needs to be far more complicated.
Among the reasons ERG / DUP extremists have manufactured to scupper Protocol, their hatred of the European Court of Justice is perhaps the weirdest.
Here is a summary of the actual law - so that when we get further details of any EU-UK deal, you can sift fact from propaganda:
1) Withdrawal Agreement, including for Protocol, uses standard international dispute settlement: political negotiations between EU & UK; if those fail, EU or UK can go to arbitration panel. But if dispute involves interpretation of EU law, panel must seek guidance from ECJ
2) That is a constitutional requirement imposed by EU law: only the ECJ can interpret EU law in a way that becomes binding on the EU itself. Hardly a surprise: EU law belongs to the EU! And not unique to the Brexit treaty: it applies in other EU agreements with non-EU states too