Tom Hickman Profile picture
Sep 14, 2020 18 tweets 4 min read Read on X
From today the criminal law imposes the "rule of 6" on everbody in society. Some initial thoughts on the problematic nature and context of this rule and why it needs to be given very close scrutiny in Parliament and a better solution found [Thread]
Let's start with the fact that - rightly or wrongly - we are at a point where many people in society will have understandable questions as to the attitude they are supposed to adopt to compliance with such regulations. Why? First, consider the messages:
Let's start with 24 May when The Prime Minister excused Dominic Cummings' trip to Durham and Barnard Castle on the basis that he exercised his judgement and acted responsibly:
Different context of course, but we also have the statement on 8 September by Brandon Lewis that the UK Government considers that a "specific and limited" breach of international law would be justified.
Then on 14 September 2020 a current Member of the Supreme Court's Supplementary Panel was asked on the Today programme (2:21:00) if he would encourage people to flout the rule of 6. He responded that people should use their judgement and the law is a secondary consideration.
This was not a surprise: Lord Sumption previously acknlowledged very frankly that he stopped complying with the lockdown laws when in his view they became absurd.
Yet also on today's Today programme (1:13:10) the Minister for Crime and Policing was asked whether people should report their next-door-neighbours to the police if they see them with 7 people in their garden. He gave a straight answer "yes".
And we have the prospect of Covid marshalls on the streets to identify transgressions.
These are conflicting messages.

It is not my purpose here to assess or criticise any of these positions.

The point is that this is the context in which the rule of 6 enters our law.
This issue is not helped by the fact that the rule of 6 is directed at private life and social relations which requires self-policing to a very large extent. That - as everyone knows - engages individual responsibility.
It is also not helped by the fact that the rule of 6 does produce results that seem to depart from its public health rationale and it certainly imposes heavier burdens on some (esp large families) than others.
It is difficult to understand for example why if family A is able to see the grandparents family B cannot do so.

It will be difficult for people to understand why if G spends all day with her friends at school it should be a criminal offence for her to see them after school.
And it is difficult to understand why 6 friends from 6 different households can meet in the pub but lunch between 2 households of 4 is a criminal offence.
All of this gives rise to an unsatisfactory situation.

- Resentment from people who comply with the law against those who do not.

- Uncertainty as to one's moral obligations.

- The authority of the law being questioned and respect for the law being eroded.
These concerns are fuelled by the fact that (a) as far as I know the rule of 6 has not been fully explained, (b) it came into effect without approval from Parliament, and (c) it does not apply outdoors in Wales.
And recall that on 23 June the PM informed Parliament that in the future the Gov would proceed entirely on the basis of guidance not criminal laws:
For these and other reasons I think Parliament needs to look very closely indeed at the rule of 6 and seek to find a different less intrusive solution.
To be clear, I am *not* suggesting that people should not try to work out what the law requires of them and comply with it. I am making a case for changing the law.

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More from @TomRHickman

Mar 4
Listening to the excellent @RestIsPolitics @RoryStewartUK @campbellclaret on the Begum case has brought home to me just how much confusion there is about the deprivation of citizenship power. Here are 7 important facts about the power, starting with some common misconceptions :…
(1) Deprivation of citizenship (DoC) is not the same as withdrawal of a passport, it is more fundamental, preventing people not just from travelling but having a right to live in the UK, benefiting from rights dependent on citizenship and from the protection of the UK Gov.
DoC is also not ‘deeming’ a person not to be a citizen. It’s the real deal: their citizenship is taken away even if they were a born UK citizen.
Read 25 tweets
Mar 1
Anyone who thought that UK constitutional law had moved beyond the era of statues being disapplied for conflict with EU law, and the whole Factortame issue was confined to legal history, was wrong. This week the High Court (NI) disapplied 10 sections of an Act passed last year …
No disapplication of an Act on this scale occurred during our membership of the EU. The case is Dillon & Ors [2024] NIKB 111 a brief explainer of a behemoth of a judgment:
The Act is the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act 2023. The court found that 12 provisions of the Act breached ECHR rights of victims/families of persons murdered in the troubles. In respect of 10 of these the Court disapplied the provisions. How?
Read 19 tweets
Dec 8, 2023
The Safety of Rwanda Bill basically does, or would do, one thing only. Large parts of the Bill are belts and braces, surplusage or political rhetoric that shouldn’t be there.
The one thing the Bill would do is to prevent domestic courts stopping transfers on the basis of a risk that asylum seekers will be wrongly returned to their home state by Rwandan officials (refoulement)
It does this by requiring our courts to treat Rwanda as safe in relation to expulsion or return of asylum seekers.
Read 25 tweets
Dec 1, 2023
So, what about the Supreme Court’s Rwanda ruling? What next?

First, the ruling.

The SC delivered an emphatic decision that UK asylum seekers sent to Rwanda will face a real risk of being sent back to their countries of origin.
Given that roughly 70pc of asylum seekers, including boat arrivals, are found to be genuine refugees, that means a lot of people would face a real risk of being sent to a country from which they have fled persecution, death, torture and/or serious mistreatment.
The Court was careful to say that Rwanda will not become a safe country in the short term. The ‘short term’ was not defined but it obviously means at least months not days or weeks.
Read 23 tweets
Aug 13, 2023
Should the UK withdraw from the ECHR? Lawyers are well placed to identify some of the consequences of membership and of leaving but ultimately it’s a political question. Not, though, a very difficult one IMO.
In this thread I’ll focus on the current preoccupation: returning asylum seekers or non-nationals to their home country or sending them to third countries like Rwanda.
The familiar argument for withdrawing from the ECHR are rehearsed by Richard Ekins in unheard which is that the Court of Human Rights has overly expanded the text of the Convention through case law. He is right, it has. unherd.com/2023/08/the-ca…
Read 25 tweets
Jul 26, 2023
The duty of candour (DoC) is the obligation on parties to judicial review to be forthcoming with relevant information. In this characteristically pithy and quotable passage Fordham J draws the principles together, but there’s a problem …
The DoC is founded on the principle that the parties do not give disclosure in JR so the parties are obliged to bring key information to the Court’s attention in evidence. It compensates for the absence of disclosure …
In fact we have moved away from standard disclosure to more targeted disclosure in general civil litigation - the relevance of this i will explain …
Read 13 tweets

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