Michael Pettis Profile picture
Sep 15, 2020 11 tweets 3 min read Read on X
1/11
While many analysts see the most recent NBS data release – with retail sales showing the first monthly year-on-year increase in 2020 and industrial production up 5.6% year on year in August – as evidence of a “solid” economic recovery in China, this graph shows just how...
2/11
lop-sided and vulnerable this recovery has been. Before 2020, retail sales – which is a proxy for consumption, although it includes other things – had grown slightly faster than industrial production, suggesting a slow rebalancing in an economy that urgently needed to...
3/11
rebalance, but in 2020 that relationship has completely reversed, with industrial production growing so much faster than retail sales that it threatens to derail the last few years of limited rebalancing.

If the production side of the economy were the constraint in...
4/11
China’s economic growth, as it had been in the 1980s and 1990s, then it would be legitimate to conclude anyway that China had recovered. But even Beijing has publicly admitted for over a decade that the real constraint is the demand side of the economy, specifically...
5/11
domestic consumption and the private sector investment driven by domestic consumption.

Not only have these barely recovered, but what many analysts are missing is that even this limited recovery has been driven by Beijing’s substantial boosting of the production side of...
6/11
the economy. By expanding public sector investment in logistics and infrastructure, underwriting an expansion of credit to businesses, and otherwise subsidizing production, Beijing has bolstered production to create the employment that has indirectly boosted consumption...
7/11
Put differently, economic recovery in China (and the world, more generally) requires a recovery in demand that pulls along with it a recovery in supply. But that isn’t what is happening. Instead Beijing is pushing hard on the supply side (mainly...
8/11
because it wants to lower unemployment as quickly as possible) in order to pull demand along with it. The problem with this strategy, as I have been writing since May, is that either it is resolved by a rapid increase in China’s trade surplus, which weakens the...
9/11
recovery abroad and forces an increase in foreign debt burdens, or it is resolved by faster growth in Chinese public-sector investment, which, because most of it is no longer productive, increases the Chinese debt burden. And this is exactly what we have been...
10/11
seeing in the data.

China’s “recovery”, in other words, is simply an exacerbation of the problems that have long been recognized. It isn’t sustainable, and unless Beijing moves quickly to redistribute domestic income, as I explain below, it will...
carnegieendowment.org/chinafinancial…
11/11
either require slower growth abroad or an eventual reversal of domestic growth once Chinese debt can no longer rise fast enough to hide the domestic demand problem.

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More from @michaelxpettis

Jan 21
1/7
EU commissioner for trade Maroš Šefčovič is absolutely right to question the usefulness of the WTO: "If the WTO is to meet today’s challenges, its rules must be fair and deliver balanced, legitimate outcomes. Currently, they do neither."
ft.com/content/2ff1d4…
2/7
The fact that decades of the largest, persistent trade imbalances in history have largely been WTO compliant suggests strongly that the WTO is more about maintaining legal fictions than it is about discouraging the adverse impact of trade intervention on the global economy.
3/7
As Keynes (and many others) pointed out nearly a century ago, evidence that a country is intervening in trade shows up very clearly in the form of persistent, beggar-thy-neighbor trade surpluses. If the latter exists, then the former exists.
Read 7 tweets
Jan 21
1/6
Reuters: "Chinese leaders have pledged to "significantly" lift household consumption’s share of the economy over the next five years, but have not given a specific target."
reuters.com/world/asia-pac…
2/6
If we assume that Beijing hopes to raise the consumption share of GDP by 3-5 percentage points (roughly a third of what it would need to be a more "normal" low-consuming economy), consumption would have to grow by 1-2 percentage points faster than GDP over the period.
3/6
That's a pretty big gap, and one we have never yet seen in the past 3-4 decades of Chinese growth. The good way to manage this, of course, would be for consumption growth to accelerate, although it is not at all clear what would cause that acceleration.
Read 6 tweets
Jan 20
1/7
Good Martin Wolf piece on the global return of mercantilism. What is new about this piece is that it seems part of a growing recognition among global opinion makers that mercantilism and trade war didn't start when deficit economies with...
ft.com/content/cd68b3…
2/7
open external accounts began to implement trade restrictions and otherwise control their external accounts. It started earlier, when economies that controlled their external accounts implemented trade and industrial policies that led to beggar-thy-neighbor trade surpluses.
3/7
We are returning, in other words, to Joan Robinson and her 1937 explanation of how trade conflict emerges. What I would add is that in a hyperglobalized trading system (i.e one in which transportation costs, communications costs, and the costs of...
ia802806.us.archive.org/16/items/essay…
Read 7 tweets
Jan 18
1/6
Wall Street bankers and owners of movable capital would hate it, but if the rest of the world were to reduce its dependence on the US dollar, this would be good for the US economy, good for US manufacturing, and good for US farmers and workers.
wsj.com/finance/curren…
2/6
The claim that the US benefits from the global use of the dollar is one of those things that people believe even though they can't explain why – except perhaps in terms of sanctions. None of the world's fastest-growing economies (including...
foreignaffairs.com/united-states/…
3/6
advanced economies like the US in the 100 years before the 1970s, Germany in the same time period, or post-war Japan, Taiwan and South Korea) had major reserve currency status, and yet they all had rapidly growing economies driven by even more rapid growth in manufacturing.
Read 6 tweets
Jan 18
1/4
Bloomberg: "“Even with strong determination and sufficient resources, transforming China’s economy into one driven by consumption and services will take years,” Goldman said. “With a more reluctant, measured approach, it could take decades.”"
bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
2/4
Goldman is right, of course, unless a debt crisis, or a serious acceleration of trade war, forces a much faster, disruptive adjustment. While the latter might happen, the former is, for now at least, pretty unlikely.
3/4
A long adjustment, however, means a Japanese-style adjustment over two or three decades, in which consumption growth continues at more or less the same pace it had in the past while GDP growth drops sharply, and investment growth goes negative.
Read 4 tweets
Jan 18
1/10
SCMP: "Kenya has reached a preliminary trade deal with China for duty-free exports of key products including coffee, tea and cut flowers – a major step towards narrowing the East African nation’s long-standing trade gap with Beijing."
via @scmpnewssc.mp/gg0zg?utm_sour…
2/10
This kind of incrementalist thinking is one of the reasons why global trade is so unbalanced and so poorly understood. China does not run a trade surplus with Kenya because of tariffs on coffee, tea and cut flowers.
3/10
It runs a massive trade surplus with the world because of equally-massive domestic imbalances. Reducing tariffs on Kenyan coffee, tea and cut flowers will have almost no effect at all on China's domestic imbalances, and so no affect on China's need for a trade surplus.
Read 10 tweets

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