Michael Pettis Profile picture
Sep 15, 2020 11 tweets 3 min read Read on X
1/11
While many analysts see the most recent NBS data release – with retail sales showing the first monthly year-on-year increase in 2020 and industrial production up 5.6% year on year in August – as evidence of a “solid” economic recovery in China, this graph shows just how...
2/11
lop-sided and vulnerable this recovery has been. Before 2020, retail sales – which is a proxy for consumption, although it includes other things – had grown slightly faster than industrial production, suggesting a slow rebalancing in an economy that urgently needed to...
3/11
rebalance, but in 2020 that relationship has completely reversed, with industrial production growing so much faster than retail sales that it threatens to derail the last few years of limited rebalancing.

If the production side of the economy were the constraint in...
4/11
China’s economic growth, as it had been in the 1980s and 1990s, then it would be legitimate to conclude anyway that China had recovered. But even Beijing has publicly admitted for over a decade that the real constraint is the demand side of the economy, specifically...
5/11
domestic consumption and the private sector investment driven by domestic consumption.

Not only have these barely recovered, but what many analysts are missing is that even this limited recovery has been driven by Beijing’s substantial boosting of the production side of...
6/11
the economy. By expanding public sector investment in logistics and infrastructure, underwriting an expansion of credit to businesses, and otherwise subsidizing production, Beijing has bolstered production to create the employment that has indirectly boosted consumption...
7/11
Put differently, economic recovery in China (and the world, more generally) requires a recovery in demand that pulls along with it a recovery in supply. But that isn’t what is happening. Instead Beijing is pushing hard on the supply side (mainly...
8/11
because it wants to lower unemployment as quickly as possible) in order to pull demand along with it. The problem with this strategy, as I have been writing since May, is that either it is resolved by a rapid increase in China’s trade surplus, which weakens the...
9/11
recovery abroad and forces an increase in foreign debt burdens, or it is resolved by faster growth in Chinese public-sector investment, which, because most of it is no longer productive, increases the Chinese debt burden. And this is exactly what we have been...
10/11
seeing in the data.

China’s “recovery”, in other words, is simply an exacerbation of the problems that have long been recognized. It isn’t sustainable, and unless Beijing moves quickly to redistribute domestic income, as I explain below, it will...
carnegieendowment.org/chinafinancial…
11/11
either require slower growth abroad or an eventual reversal of domestic growth once Chinese debt can no longer rise fast enough to hide the domestic demand problem.

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More from @michaelxpettis

Nov 19
1/13
It is helpful to think about Taisu Zhang's list of the EU's perceived weaknesses in the context of global trade, and especially in the context of a global trading system that exhibits the beggar-thy-neighbor characteristics that Joan Robinson warned about.
2/13
To take the first, the EU's lack of political unity means that it cannot respond unilaterally in a world in which its major trading partners (China, Japan, India and, increasingly, the US) are determined to control their external accounts and are able unilaterally to do so.
3/13
A country's ability control its external accounts affects the extent to which it can control its internal imbalances while externalizing their costs, along with the structure of its economy and its mix of manufacturing and services.
foreignaffairs.com/united-states/…
Read 13 tweets
Nov 19
1/8
SCMP: "China should add a quantitative target for consumption growth as part of its long-term modernisation goals to help sustain growth momentum as the country’s population declines, a prominent Chinese economist said."
via @scmpnewssc.mp/qmm5m?utm_sour…
2/8
The article continues: "Currently, household consumption accounts for about 39% of China’s GDP, according to Cai Fang, an academician at CASS. Over the next decade it should rise to around 61% as China strives to become a “moderately-developed” country by 2035."
3/8
Most prominent economists in China have already called for increases of anywhere from 5 to 10 percentage points of GDP, and while Cai is right that household consumption of 61% of GDP would indeed make China a more "normal" country, I wonder if he has done the math.
Read 8 tweets
Nov 18
1/8
NYT: "The biggest recipient of Chinese financing over the past two decades has been the United States, where Chinese banks have extended $200 billion in financial support to American companies and projects."
nytimes.com/2025/11/18/bus…
2/8
This shouldn't surprise us, even if it seems to go against what we've been reading in headlines in recent years. China is the largest net export of capital in the world, which is just the flip side of its running the biggest trade surpluses in the world.
3/8
While we often read about Chinese capital exports to the developing world, in fact these flows probably peaked in 2015-16, when problems in Venezuela taught Beijing just how risky this can be. This meant surpluses had to be recycled mostly to the advanced economies.
Read 8 tweets
Nov 18
1/8
Good FT piece on the increasing difficulty economists have in understanding, correlating and reconciling Chinese economic statistics. This leads to concerns among many analysts that GDP may be overstated, and fairly substantially.
ft.com/content/5b9e74…
2/8
For the FT (and for many others), the biggest puzzle is over how GDP growth can stay constant at 5% even as investment (which plays a bigger role in driving Chinese GDP growth than in any other country in history) is reportedly declining.
4/8
Part of the answer may be that GDP growth has in fact declined, and rapidly, over 2025, albeit from extremely high levels. Another part of the answer may be the surging trade surplus, which is extraordinarily high for such a large economy, and clearly not sustainable.
Read 7 tweets
Nov 16
1/10
Important Benn Steil article on globalization, free trade, and the cost of underwriting both. He cites Wendell Willkie in 1944 as "recognizing how perilous it would be to integrate market economies with state-directed ones."
@ProSyn @BennSteil
prosyn.org/LkdDyx7
2/10
"When global prices fail to reflect supply-and-demand dynamics," Steil cites Willkie as arguing, "they distort production and trade flows, killing off more efficient enterprises, fueling imbalances, and breeding resentment."
3/10
This is a point I've often made, although in a different way, including in an upcoming piece in Foreign Affairs.

We start with the widely-recognized insight that every country's internal imbalances must always be perfectly consistent with its external imbalances.
Read 10 tweets
Nov 14
1/7
China's fixed-asset investment declined 1.7% year on year in the first 10 months of 2025, more than twice the expected rate of decline, and well above the 0.5% decline during the first nine months of the year.

english.news.cn/20251114/2bcf2…
2/7
Excluding a 14.7% decline in the property sector, investment rose by 1.7% during the first ten months of 2025, led by a 2.7% rise in manufacturing investment.

As I see it, the weakness in investment growth suggests that the fight against "involution" is working so far.
3/7
It suggests that the post-2022 surge in investment in preferred manufacturing sectors, such as EVs, batteries and solar panels, is being reversed.

But this leaves us with the same questions that we were left with following the post-2022 collapse in property investment.
Read 7 tweets

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