1/11
While many analysts see the most recent NBS data release – with retail sales showing the first monthly year-on-year increase in 2020 and industrial production up 5.6% year on year in August – as evidence of a “solid” economic recovery in China, this graph shows just how...
2/11
lop-sided and vulnerable this recovery has been. Before 2020, retail sales – which is a proxy for consumption, although it includes other things – had grown slightly faster than industrial production, suggesting a slow rebalancing in an economy that urgently needed to...
3/11
rebalance, but in 2020 that relationship has completely reversed, with industrial production growing so much faster than retail sales that it threatens to derail the last few years of limited rebalancing.
If the production side of the economy were the constraint in...
4/11
China’s economic growth, as it had been in the 1980s and 1990s, then it would be legitimate to conclude anyway that China had recovered. But even Beijing has publicly admitted for over a decade that the real constraint is the demand side of the economy, specifically...
5/11
domestic consumption and the private sector investment driven by domestic consumption.
Not only have these barely recovered, but what many analysts are missing is that even this limited recovery has been driven by Beijing’s substantial boosting of the production side of...
6/11
the economy. By expanding public sector investment in logistics and infrastructure, underwriting an expansion of credit to businesses, and otherwise subsidizing production, Beijing has bolstered production to create the employment that has indirectly boosted consumption...
7/11
Put differently, economic recovery in China (and the world, more generally) requires a recovery in demand that pulls along with it a recovery in supply. But that isn’t what is happening. Instead Beijing is pushing hard on the supply side (mainly...
8/11
because it wants to lower unemployment as quickly as possible) in order to pull demand along with it. The problem with this strategy, as I have been writing since May, is that either it is resolved by a rapid increase in China’s trade surplus, which weakens the...
9/11
recovery abroad and forces an increase in foreign debt burdens, or it is resolved by faster growth in Chinese public-sector investment, which, because most of it is no longer productive, increases the Chinese debt burden. And this is exactly what we have been...
10/11
seeing in the data.
China’s “recovery”, in other words, is simply an exacerbation of the problems that have long been recognized. It isn’t sustainable, and unless Beijing moves quickly to redistribute domestic income, as I explain below, it will... carnegieendowment.org/chinafinancial…
11/11
either require slower growth abroad or an eventual reversal of domestic growth once Chinese debt can no longer rise fast enough to hide the domestic demand problem.
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1/5 China's March trade numbers were a big surprise, with exports up less than expected and imports way up. Given how volatile things have been, we don't want to read too much into one month's numbers, but if they reflect a new reality, they matter. english.news.cn/20260414/f5b3a…
2/5 Exports were up a measly 2.5% year on year in March, well below the 21.8% surge in the first two months of the year. Imports, driven mainly by higher commodity prices, were up an astonishing 27.8% in March, versus an already high 19.8% in the first two months of the year.
3/5 The result was that China's trade surplus in March ($51.1 billion) was less than a quarter of the trade surplus in the previous two months. If sustained, this will be good for the world, but bad for China, which relies on huge trade surpluses to balance weak domestic demand.
1/9 Very good FT article on why overcapacity is structurally embedded into the Chinese economy. It quotes one (anonymous, of course) investor who notes that "Officials are scared of missing their GDP targets. Nobody is scared of overcapacity."
via @ftft.com/content/7d51a6…
2/9 I was nonetheless impressed by the number of Chinese who spoke openly about the difficulties created by the current growth model. This didn't use to be the case, but the fact that we're seeing more and more of this suggests that we may finally be seeing a change in the way policymakers think.
3/9 One point that I have often made, and that comes out in this article, is that Chinese manufacturers may be incredibly competitive globally, but they might not be particularly efficient once direct and indirect subsidies are considered.
1/15
IMF: "If coordination proves difficult, the best course of action for each country is clear: start addressing domestic imbalances now, regardless of what others do."
This is one of several discordant lines in an otherwise interesting paper.
2/15
It is good that the IMF (along with others) increasingly recognizes the adverse consequences of persistent trade imbalances, and recognizes that "the relevant metric is the overall position of a country against the rest of the world, not bilateral or sectoral balances."
3/15
But I still don't think they understand how imbalances are transmitted. They assume that every country determines and controls its internal imbalances, and so also determines and controls its external imbalances.
But this implies that the world balances by coincidence.
1/7 Martin Wolf, in an important piece on unsustainable current account imbalances, makes a point that most American economists miss: "the counterpart of external deficits tends to be unsustainable domestic borrowing."
via @ftft.com/content/49e38e…
2/7 He goes on to say: "The Keynesian hypothesis looks right: the inflow of net foreign savings, shown in capital account surpluses made big fiscal deficits necessary, because domestic demand in the US would otherwise have been chronically inadequate."
3/7 This, by the way, is consistent with Joan Robinson's argument that trade surpluses are "beggar thy neighbor" when they export unemployment. The difference is that in economies in which credit is not constrained by gold, the alternative to unemployment can be debt.
1/12
Bloomberg: "Canada pitched expanding its financial services presence in the Chinese market as the northern nation aims to increase exports to its second-largest trading partner in a push to diversify from the US." bloomberg.com/news/articles/…
2/12
The article continues: "Expanding Canadian financial services activity in China is key to achieving the government’s goal of increasing exports by 50% by 2030, according to Finance Minister Francois-Philippe Champagne."
3/12
I am not sure that expanding financial services activity really is key to expanding Canadian exports to China. It might help a little, but what Canadian exporters most lack isn't friendly financing.
This just sounds like the kind of thing a banker would tell policymakers.
1/12
Caixin: "For the first time, China has embedded a dedicated plan to raise household incomes into a top-level national policy document, signaling a change in priorities as policymakers grapple with persistently weak consumer spending." caixinglobal.com/2026-03-30/cov…
2/12
"The diagnosis is widely shared," the article notes, as it quotes Yang Weimin, a former deputy director of the CFEAC, that “The reason for China’s low share of consumption in total demand is mainly the low share of residents’ income in national income.”
3/12
This isn't new. A few of us have been arguing for 10-15 years that China's trade and investment imbalances and its soaring debt are all the result of a highly distorted distribution of income in which households directly and indirectly retain an astonishingly low share.