I suppose we need a thread on why this is complete baloney, so here goes...
The UK can't actually be listed until it is a third country. Therefore, it could not expect to be listed until we had left. In the event, the UK would only require listing from 1 January 2021.
The technical criteria for listing are set out in statutes, with a number of working documents, and well-understood. HMG should have had all its ducks neatly lined up so as to make the application a trouble-free process.
However, currently, the UK does not intend to impose full import controls on products of animal origin for at least six months, and has yet to determine precisely what controls will apply.
That means that the UK does not meet the technical requirements for listing, which means HMG can hardly complain when the EU has not pursued its application. Simply, if the conditions are not met, the EU would be in breach of its own procedures if it allowed a listing.
It could be challenged by any other third country (or EU operator) in the ECJ. The EU would be breaching WTO non-discrimination rules, but since it is also a procedure defined by EU law, it would also be in breach of its own rules and be open to an ECJ challenge.
The real question we need to be asking is why is the UK refusing to come clean about the future food standards regime? Incompetence or deception? Either way, the listing issue is a problem of the UK government's own making.

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More from @LeaveHQ

24 Sep
1. I don't like Rishi Sunak. I don't like groomed, manicured and fast-tracked politicians. It means he's sponsored by a vested interest. I don't know who that is but a man connected to Indian big business is bad news. Smells like a corporate takeover.
2. We are told he's an "enthusiastic brexiter" but there's no track record or eurosceptic pedigree. Just a collection of passionless anodyne brexitish statements. I honestly don't think he cares either way and that bothers me.
3. I dislike classical Brexiteers because they're foaming ideologues and thick as shit but at least I know where they stand. I don't know who Sunak is. He keeps his opinions close, keeping his nose clean for when the opportunity for promotion arises.
Read 8 tweets
23 Sep
Particularly it demonstrates that leavers were right in that national government are reduced to regional implementation agencies with no knowledge of, interest in, or control over regulation and external policy.
This was particularly evident in the indicative votes where Labour MPs voted for a customs union because they thought it had something to do with inspections at ports. Parliament was institutionally ignorant of the EU and little has changed since.
Remainers say we never lost control - but we certainly did by giving that control away and leaving it all for the eurocrats and civil servants to sort out - so key instruments of policy have been functioning on autopilot for decades with virtually no political scrutiny.
Read 8 tweets
22 Sep
1. When May's draft deal was published I was horrified by it. I momentarily became a no dealer. But it didn't take long to realise it was the only deal we were going to get and we couldn't afford not to take it.
2. Initially I was uncomfortable with the backstop. Though it wasn't a customs union, in conjunction with a future FTA, it had the makings of one and in so doing eroded some of the point of Brexit (if the backstop was ever activated).
3. Whether it would be is highly debatable but at least we had a loose political agreement to work towards phasing it out if it were. There was reason enough to assume good faith and it was within the realms if the possible.
Read 21 tweets
21 Sep
1. The key is and always has been effective contact tracing and enforced isolation. That system isn't working, so we're bound to lose control. One might argue that since we're never going to get to grips with it, we are as well just getting back to normal.
2. But the whole system rests on the impression that something is being done. If no official measures were being taken, people would take their own, using violence to enforce. If the state retreats, you get anarchy ... which is what we're beginning to get anyway.
3. The only credible exit plan is to be able to say we have an effective track and trace system in place, it is working, cases are declining (or will decline) so we can start to relax restrictions.
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17 Sep
What we're seeing isn't right wing authoritarianism. It's Johnsonism. A government that will go to any lengths to avoid owning up to its unforced errors. It's cowardly incompetence. If it was RWA it would at least be doing something halfway useful.
It could conceivably become RWA next year when Johnson has cocked everything up so badly he starts hemorrhaging votes by which time he'll turn his attention to immigration or crime, but largely headline populist policies they announce every few years but never amounts to anything
A real RWA government would look to confront wokeism in public institutions and take on the blob in academia. They would get round to deporting illegal immigrants, abolish the London mayor, scrap the supreme court and do away with the HRA.
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16 Sep
1. Methinks the Tory no deal plan B involves junking the WA with a view to weakening Ireland's place in the single market. The #InternalMarketBill essentially grants the UK government licence to place goods on the EU single market without authorisation. ...
2. It is assumed Ireland is then forced to put controls along the border - but it won't, invested so much politically in saying that can't happen. Instead it will institute certain behind the border controls notionally for the entire union, but in practice only for Ireland.
3. More than likely this will result in more stringent checks for goods travelling between Ireland and the mainland EU, instituting a market surveillance system where trucks will be inspected on the basis of risk. They'll soon work out which regular loads are kosher.
Read 12 tweets

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