Mark Elliott Profile picture
Sep 15, 2020 7 tweets 1 min read Read on X
By my reckoning, the Government has so far attempted in five ways to justify clauses 42 and 43 of the Internal Market Bill, which, if enacted, would allow Ministers to make regulations in breach of the Withdrawal Agreement /…
1. The powers would breach international law but only in a ‘limited and specific’ manner (Brandon Lewis, Northern Ireland Secretary) — but this is not a distinction the law draws: a breach of international law is a breach of international law /…
2. The powers are needed in case the Government needs rapidly to implement safeguards under Art 16 NI Protocol (Lord Keen, Advocate General) — but the clause 42–3 powers bear little relation to the matters with which Article 16 is concerned /…
3. The powers are needed in case the Government rapidly needs to do what Article 62 of the Vienna Convention allows (Lord Keen) — but Article 62 requires a fundamental change of circumstance and permits only withdrawal/termination, not repudiation of individual obligations /…
4. The Withdrawal Agreement is a ‘special’ form of treaty because it presupposes a Future Relationship Agreement, so it’s ok to breach the WA if no FRA materialises (various Ministers) — this is just wrong /…
5. The Internal Market Bill would amount to an ‘acceptable’ rather than an ‘unacceptable’ breach of the rule of law (Robert Buckland, Lord Chancellor) — but the law draws no distinction between these two forms of breach /…
So: five attempts to justify clauses 42–3, none of which is satisfactory as a matter of law.

Sixth time lucky? /ends

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More from @ProfMarkElliott

Dec 13, 2023
1. Just catching up with @Policy_Exchange's briefing on the Rwanda Bill. policyexchange.org.uk/wp-content/upl…
2. Academics (including, it seems, @AdamJTucker and me) are implicitly accused of being 'wildly irresponsible' by 'invit[ing] the Supreme Court to overthrow' parliamentary sovereignty: Image
3. This appears to be based on @AdamJTucker's very measured @ukcla piece () and a piece I posted on my blog ()ukconstitutionallaw.org/2023/11/22/ada…
publiclawforeveryone.com/2023/12/06/the…
Read 10 tweets
Dec 12, 2023
1. The UK Parliament's Joint Committee on Human Rights (@HumanRightsCtte) has published a preliminary analysis of the Rwanda Bill. Here's a short thread with some key excerpts. committees.parliament.uk/publications/4…
Image
2. The Committee notes that if Rwanda remains unsafe, the effect of the Bill would be to permit removals nevertheless and to prevent courts from stopping them, thus breaching Articles 3 and 13 ECHR. Image
3. The JCHR observes, as others have also pointed out, that if the Government was confident that the UK-Rwanda Treaty satisfactorily addressed the Supreme Court's concerns, the Bill would be unnecessary unless the aim was simply to speed up the operationalisation of the policy. Image
Read 10 tweets
Dec 11, 2023
1. The 'Star Chamber' has spoken (on the Rwanda Bill). Only a 'partial solution', it concludes. lawyersforbritain.org/wp-content/upl…
Image
2. Key concern relates to clause 4, which permits challenges on individual grounds (as opposed to on the general ground that Rwanda is an unsafe country). Image
3. Also concerned that clause 5 (Ministers can ignore ECtHR interim measures) may make matters worse (from perspective of those who want maximally restrictive regime). Image
Read 10 tweets
Dec 11, 2023
Constitutional lawyers may find suggestions that parliamentary sovereignty is an 'assumption' less surprising, since the suggestion emanates not from four KCs who have just written to a newspaper but from judges themselves. (1)
Indeed, one of the leading theoretical accounts of parliamentary sovereignty, published by Sir William Wade in the Cambridge Law Journal in 1955, insists that the sovereignty of Parliament lies 'in the keeping of the courts'. (2)
cambridge.org/core/journals/…
Image
More recently, some senior judges have argued that parliamentary sovereignty is not 'absolute'. See, eg, Lord Steyn in Jackson v Attorney General [2005] UKHL 56, [102]: (3) bailii.org/uk/cases/UKHL/…
Image
Read 11 tweets
Dec 9, 2023
The Government's ECHR Memo on the Rwanda Bill makes interesting reading. The absence of a s 19 statement of compatibility notwithstanding, the Bill is said to be capable of application compatibly with the ECHR. (1) publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill…
The Government's position, as set out in its ECHR Memo, on clauses 4 and 5 of the Rwanda Bill (dealing with individual circumstances and ECtHR interim measures respectively) seem to me to be particularly strained and/or telling. (2)
It's said that clause 4 is compatible with the ECHR, including the Article 13 right to an effective remedy, because it will be possible for domestic courts to issue suspensive remedies: (3) Image
Read 13 tweets
Sep 22, 2022
A very helpful thread on the Government's statement concerning the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill. I would just add one additional point... /1
The Business Secretary says in his statement that: 'There will no longer be a place for EU law concepts in our statute book.' /2
But that is surely incorrect. As far as I understand it, the Bill addresses only matters concerning 'retained EU Law' within the meaning of the EU (Withdrawal) Act 2018. The Withdrawal Agreement, and its domestic legal effects, are a separate matter. /3
Read 9 tweets

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