[Thread.] Few comments about this NBC story, which is yielding the usual feast of reason and flow of the soul on social media. nbcnews.com/politics/natio…
The piece is centered on comments made by Gen. McKenzie, who, from what he says and how the story is framed, wants to see a straight line from GRU payments to attacks on U.S. forces in Afghanistan.
The term "bounty" was never used in the intelligence, as per @douglaslondon5 and others in the IC, although it became the media's term of art following the first NYT story.
But what was the intelligence? The NYT was a lot more specific than NBC. The money, $500K, came from GRU Unit 29155, which controlled bank accounts that transferred the funds to Taliban-linked accounts:
A lot of earlier speculation, that the intel was premised solely on what captured and interrogated Taliban fighters said, was wrong. The gravamen, which even convinced IC skeptics that the GRU was incentivizing attacks on Americans, was intercepted financial data, as per NYT:
Now why did these intercepts raise alarm bells at CIA? Because of what Unit 29155 is within the GRU. They're an assassination and sabotage squad responsible for the Skripal and Gebrev poisonings, a failed coup in Montenegro and other violent acts of destabilization in Europe:
(It would be one thing, for instance, if a Russian service was simply recruiting Taliban commanders for espionage: to garner intel on NATO movements in Afghanistan or ISIS activity or the opium export industry, etc. But Unit 29155 doesn't do that.)
Now what, based on the reporting, is in dispute among U.S. intelligence officers and the Pentagon? That Russia is paying the Taliban and has been for years? Nope.
That the GRU has been paying the Taliban? I've seen no "debunking" of the original NYT scoop suggesting that is in doubt among skeptics. That Unit 29155 is the culprit? Ditto. But there are hints and clues. E.g.:
One way to stand up the "bounty" assessment is to draw a straight line between prior attacks (particularly lethal ones) on U.S. forces in Afghanistan and the money tracked going from Unit 29155's account to the Taliban. This would constitute evidence that the program not only...
... exists but has been successful. McKenzie, it convincingly appears to be the case, is trying to do just that. Here again is his quote from the NBC story, followed immediately by another "U.S. military official familiar with the intelligence" who says:
McKenzie's "final connection" would be American corpses -- or at least documented Taliban attacks -- with Unit 29155's paw prints on them.
But herein lies the problem, which gets at the broader ambiguities in intelligence gathering and intelligence assessing. Operational intent is different from operational success or even operational action.
It may well be the case that, owing to the newness of this alleged "bounty" program (the NYT dated it as beginning in early 2020, though other outlets dated it even earlier), none of the Taliban fighters who received the money ever went out and tried to kill any U.S. soldiers.
Maybe they were rounded up or got croaked before they could, maybe they got cold feet, maybe they took the money and fucked off.
So you've got generals, who want to know whether or not to retaliate for Russian aggression, looking for copper-bottom "actionable" proof, while spies are making interpolations based on context (Unit 29155's m.o.) and available evidence (intercepts, detainee testimonies).
And all of the above assumes you're dealing with professionals who are eager to suss out the truth and share a baseline consensus on evidence but disagree over conclusions. It doesn't address how intel can be embellished or obfuscated for political purposes.
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New: I acquired the private memoir of Gen. Alexander Zorin, a senior GRU officer who was Putin's envoy to Syria and is now leading POW exchanges with Ukraine. A feature film, "Porcelain Soldier," is set to debut in Russia next month, all about Zorin's adventures -- sort of a Stierlitz meets Bourne production, which was green-lit by former Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu. newlinesmag.com/reportage/the-…
In all, I've acquired over a thousand pages of documents: Zorin's 186-page memoir, which he titled "The Negotiator" (watch your back, Sam Jackson), some of the ancillary production material for the movie, and five iterations of the screenplay, each more cartoonish in plot and dialogue than the last. The first draft is actually rather nuanced and ends with Zorin weeping upon learning a rebel commander he persuaded to evacuate was subsequently killed by the Russian army after Zorin gave his word that would not happen. (Who says the GRU is a heartless organization?)
The memoir is a fascinating portrait of the life of a still-active Russian spy, made more fascinating because in his pursuit of self-aggrandizement Zorin inadvertently reveals things his masters in Moscow might not like. These include the sorry state of the Russian Air Force in Syria (as in Ukraine, jet pilots used store-bought Garmin GPS devices to navigate, causing near-miss mid-air collisions and much else). The shoot-first-ask-questions-never disposition of racist Russian military commanders. And the Mad Hatter illogic of Russian disinformation schemes about Syrian chemical weapons attacks.
Re: Trump's denial of the WSJ story, read this paragraph twice. Transferring authorization from Hegseth to Grynkewich is almost the scoop itself. Cuts Elbridge Colby out of the process, and one wonders how and why this decision was taken -- note, taken before the Ze visit to the WH -- given all Cheese's unflattering press. Trump recently called him "J.D.'s guy." (Second screenshot from prior WSJ piece on Colby pausing deep strike authorization under this review process.) wsj.com/politics/natio…
Not the first time Grynkewich v. Colby has popped up. When PURL was announced, Grynkewich was the guy named running point with DoD (logical enough given he's SACEUR). This was around the time of the Colby memo diverting USAI kit meant for Ukraine back into U.S. stockpiles. cnn.com/2025/08/08/pol…
Which led to articles such as this one in The Hill:
“The unannounced U.S. move to enable Kyiv to use the missile in Russia comes after authority for supporting such attacks was recently transferred from Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth at the Pentagon to the top U.S. general in Europe, Gen. Alexus Grynkewich, who also serves as NATO commander.”
Steve Witkoff's Public Financial Disclosure form, which he filed late, is unsigned by any ethics official. It also falsely states Witkoff held no federal position before June of this year. He did not divest from relevant assets before he started his diplomatic job, as he was supposed to. And note the company at the heart of the big @nytimes investigation into his questionable business dealings with the Emiratis concerning World Liberty Financial, "a cryptocurrency start-up founded by the Witkoffs and Trumps." On page 23 of Witkoff's disclosure, World Liberty Financial is given with no value listed. nytimes.com/2025/09/15/us/…
Why is this document unsigned or certified by any government ethics official? Does this mean that no one has actually conducted the conflict of interest assessment and associated divestitures normally required before an official can start the job?
Why does it only cover the period from 6/30 through now? Where is the disclosure for January through the end of June?
Elbridge Colby has hindered Ukraine's ability to defend itself at least four times since he joined the Pentagon. The most recent example: wsj.com/politics/natio…
Quite a lot of revisionism now. But Miller helped lead the CIA team and is a registered Republican. Note, too, the self-evident conclusion that it was not possible to determine the full impact of the influence operation on American voters. Intel practitioners were a lot more careful and judicious than cable news pundits in 2016-2017. nbcnews.com/politics/natio…
One of the sleights of hand Gabbard, et al. are pulling is to conflate in the popular imagination the compromise of “election infrastructure” and vote altering with the hack-and-leak operation targeting the DNC, DCCC and Podesta. The latter was ratified in Mueller’s grand jury indictments of the dozen GRU officers from Units 26165/74455. The former was never alleged in any ICA, although the Senate Intel Committee investigation, overseen by Marco Rubio, noted Russian attempts to “probe” election infrastructure and some successful efforts to exfiltrate voter data from multiple states, albeit without any impact on the election outcome itself. Case in point:
Note ODNI's rendering of the highlighted text. Someone reading only that rendering might reasonably conclude the Russians didn't use any cyber means at all to meddle in the 2016 election -- unless that someone were provided a specific definition of what was being downplayed here. The PDB's highlighted text provides that definition: "manipulate computer-enabled election infrastructure." Literally the next sentence attests to Russia "probably" using cyber means to hack into campaign party servers -- which it did, and then leaked such data via Guccifer 2.0 and Wikileaks, with the intent of influence the American electorate.