The Government has published its proposed amendments to the Internal Market Bill in order to give effect to the so-called climb down that is intended to placate sufficient Conservative MPs.
Here is the first of two short threads on this. /…
Here’s the amendment that’s intended to provide reassurance to MPs about breaching international law. /…
The effect of this amendment is very limited. It simply means that the Ministerial powers to breach the Withdrawal Agreement & NI Protocol don’t become legally exercisable until they are triggered by a vote in the House of Commons. /…
Once the Commons gives the green light, the powers become fully exercisable and can be used by Ministers to make regulations in breach of the UK’s international treaty obligations. /…
In effect, then, by enacting the Bill, Parliament would be making all necessary domestic legal preparations for Ministers to be allowed to breach treaty obligations subject only to the need for a further vote in the Commons to trigger those Ministerial powers. /…
This changes nothing, therefore, in international law terms: if these powers are triggered and exercised by Ministers, the UK will breach its obligations under the Withdrawal Agreement/NI Protocol. /…
Moreover, it is strongly arguable that as soon as the Bill is enacted, the UK would breach its treaty obligations (i.e. even before any exercise of the Ministerial powers in clauses 42 & 43). /…
In particular, enacting the Bill would very likely in itself entail a breach of the good faith provision obligation in Article 5 of the Withdrawal Agreement. /…
The bottom line is that the amendment the Government is proposing to the Bill is political window-dressing — it is not a ‘climb down’ in any meaningful sense. /ends
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2. Academics (including, it seems, @AdamJTucker and me) are implicitly accused of being 'wildly irresponsible' by 'invit[ing] the Supreme Court to overthrow' parliamentary sovereignty:
1. The UK Parliament's Joint Committee on Human Rights (@HumanRightsCtte) has published a preliminary analysis of the Rwanda Bill. Here's a short thread with some key excerpts. committees.parliament.uk/publications/4…
2. The Committee notes that if Rwanda remains unsafe, the effect of the Bill would be to permit removals nevertheless and to prevent courts from stopping them, thus breaching Articles 3 and 13 ECHR.
3. The JCHR observes, as others have also pointed out, that if the Government was confident that the UK-Rwanda Treaty satisfactorily addressed the Supreme Court's concerns, the Bill would be unnecessary unless the aim was simply to speed up the operationalisation of the policy.
2. Key concern relates to clause 4, which permits challenges on individual grounds (as opposed to on the general ground that Rwanda is an unsafe country).
3. Also concerned that clause 5 (Ministers can ignore ECtHR interim measures) may make matters worse (from perspective of those who want maximally restrictive regime).
Constitutional lawyers may find suggestions that parliamentary sovereignty is an 'assumption' less surprising, since the suggestion emanates not from four KCs who have just written to a newspaper but from judges themselves. (1)
Indeed, one of the leading theoretical accounts of parliamentary sovereignty, published by Sir William Wade in the Cambridge Law Journal in 1955, insists that the sovereignty of Parliament lies 'in the keeping of the courts'. (2) cambridge.org/core/journals/…
More recently, some senior judges have argued that parliamentary sovereignty is not 'absolute'. See, eg, Lord Steyn in Jackson v Attorney General [2005] UKHL 56, [102]: (3) bailii.org/uk/cases/UKHL/…
The Government's ECHR Memo on the Rwanda Bill makes interesting reading. The absence of a s 19 statement of compatibility notwithstanding, the Bill is said to be capable of application compatibly with the ECHR. (1) publications.parliament.uk/pa/bills/cbill…
The Government's position, as set out in its ECHR Memo, on clauses 4 and 5 of the Rwanda Bill (dealing with individual circumstances and ECtHR interim measures respectively) seem to me to be particularly strained and/or telling. (2)
It's said that clause 4 is compatible with the ECHR, including the Article 13 right to an effective remedy, because it will be possible for domestic courts to issue suspensive remedies: (3)
A very helpful thread on the Government's statement concerning the Retained EU Law (Revocation and Reform) Bill. I would just add one additional point... /1
The Business Secretary says in his statement that: 'There will no longer be a place for EU law concepts in our statute book.' /2
But that is surely incorrect. As far as I understand it, the Bill addresses only matters concerning 'retained EU Law' within the meaning of the EU (Withdrawal) Act 2018. The Withdrawal Agreement, and its domestic legal effects, are a separate matter. /3