Do police make late shift arrests in order to take advantage of overtime pay? This story is a mainstay of public criticism of law enforcement and reflects broader concerns about the distortionary effects of financial incentives in the US criminal justice system. But is it true?
At first blush, it might make sense that officers would want to make arrests at the end of the workday -- overtime pay is fixed 150% of an officer's base pay. As such the "price" of late shift arrests is higher. However, officers also face a labor-leisure tradeoff.
Exploiting the staggered timing of shift assignments
throughout the day in Dallas, TX, we find that officers, in fact, *reduce* their arrests (by 28%) at the end of their work shift. This result isn't an artifact of being routed to fewer service calls late in the shift.
The result is also very unlikely to be driven by the practice of "arrest trading" between officers, the incapacitative effect of making arrests earlier in the shift or by inaccurate time stamps on arrest data.
Officers are not more likely to make "low-level" arrests at the end of the day nor are late shift arrests more likely to involve Black or Hispanic suspects. Even among officers who are especially likely to make more late-shift arrests, the above propositions are true.
Moreover, the "quality" of arrests made, as measured through court convictions (for misdemeanors or felonies) and sentencing, tends to rise at the end of the workday.
While convictions and sentencing aren't perfect proxies for quality, the evidence does not suggest that late shift arrests are weaker or less likely to "hold up" than other arrests.
Why don't officers engage in "collars for dollars?" We don't think it's due to fatigue but it is, in part, due to the fact that they sometimes work off-duty jobs after work. On days in which officers 'moonlight' after a shift, they are 10% less likely to make late-shift arrests.
We estimate a dynamic model that rationalizes these findings. Given the value that officers place on avoiding false arrests and arresting guilty suspects, incentives created by overtime pay are insufficiently large to change police decision-making at the margin.
What about an officer's desire to obtain overtime for testimony in court? In Dallas this is, in fact, < 5% of overtime pay awarded to officers. Our research design which compares late to early shift arrests nets out this motivation.
Naturally, these findings are based on data from a single city. While we are unaware of any policy or practice that sets the Dallas PD apart from most other large police depts in this context, further replication is always always important!
The full paper (with Felipe Goncalves @UCLAEconomics ) is here: tinyurl.com/y4vqqk8l
Great reading on this and related topics: Cop in the Hood by @PeterMoskos and Arrest Decisions: What Works for the Officer? by Edith Linn.
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How admissions to top universities in the US really works as revealed by a simple comparison between one of NYC's top public high schools (Stuyvesant HS) and one of NYC's top private high schools (Horace Mann School). A short thread with some basic descriptive statistics 👇👇
At @StuyNY, a public magnet school where nearly half of students qualify for NYC's free or reduced price lunch program (<$50K for a family of 4 with NYC cost-of-living), the middle 50% of SAT scores are 1490-1560. See: stuy.enschool.org/ourpages/auto/…
At @HMSchool, a private school where tuition is $60k/year (and where 85% of families pay the full tuition cost), the middle 50% of SAT scores (summing the interquartile ranges for each section) are 1380-1540. See: resources.finalsite.net/images/v163733…
In a field experiment in NYC, residents were provided with mundane information about local police officers. The intervention shifted residents’ perceptions of officers’ knowledge of illegal activity, and may have modestly reduced crime in the short run.👇 nature.com/articles/s4158…
Each residence in a treated area received a mailer including an outreach card and letter about a neighborhood officer describing mundane information about the officer, such as his/her favorite food, hobbies or why they became an officer.
Two months later, residents were asked how likely it is that an officer would know whether s/he did something illegal. The intervention led to a 0.13 standard deviation increase in the average resident’s belief that an officer would find out whether they committed a crime.
The main narrative about 2020 is that while murder rose, other crime fell. But people stayed inside more, making it hard to infer anything about public safety. In a new paper, Maxim Massenkoff & I study changes in the risk of violence while out in public.👇maximmassenkoff.com/papers/victimi…
We study violent street crimes in the three largest cities in the US. Shortly after the pandemic began, street crimes fell by 30% as the public adjusted to disease risk and lockdowns by spending more time in their homes.
But were the streets actually safer when people ventured outside? Conventional crime rates don't allow us to answer important questions like this. We measure outdoor activity using data from Safegraph, Apple & Google and find that the risk of a street crime initially rose by 40%.
What happens to crime in US cities when police pull back? It depends. When police reduce proactivity for reasons other than a viral incident, most papers don't find a crime increase. But when a pull back accompanies a viral incident, most papers find that crime rises. Citations👇
With respect to pullbacks which are due to dissatisfaction over arbitration agreements, the findings are mixed. See 1) academic.oup.com/aler/article-a… which finds little impact in NYC and 2) academic.oup.com/qje/article-ab… which finds increased crime in NJ.
The progressive prosecutor's gamble is that many offenders aren't nearly as motivated as we think they are, that the CJ system further entrenches criminal identity and that a lighter touch could actually enhance public safety. Could that be right? Thread 👇
Going back to Gary Becker (and even further than that), the cost of committing a crime has been seen as a function of the certainty of punishment and the severity of the punishment. Broadly speaking, research supports the idea that certainty deters more than severity.
This is a facile description though because certainty and severity interact. When Pr(punishment) = 0 the severity of sanction literally won't matter. When Pr(punishment) = 1, deterrence is achieved with a light sanction because you know for sure that you'll be caught.
The University of Chicago Crime Lab is in the market for a new Research Director! This would be an ideal job for someone who will finish their PhD in Spring 2022. As a Crime Lab alumnus, I could not recommend this job more highly. Short thread 👇 urbanlabs.uchicago.edu/attachments/09…
For someone who wants to do research that is tightly linked to policy decisions, this is an incredible opportunity. You will have access to phenomenal data and you will have the opportunity to talk to and learn from high-level policymakers as well as people working on the ground.
You'll have the opportunity to work with a fantastic cast of crime & education researchers who are doing cutting-edge crime research including @NourARazzak, @PankaBencsik, @gregstod and Ashna Arora in addition to the invaluable mentorship of Jens Ludwig and Jon Guryan.