"There are in my view two enemies which the workers of this country have to deal with. The two enemies are #Brahmanism and #Capitalism. 1/n
By Brahmanism I do not mean the power, privileges and interests of Brahmins as a community...By Brahmanism I mean the negation of the spirit of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. 2/n
In that sense it is rampant in classes and is not confined to the Brahmins alone, though they have been the originators of it. This Brahmanism which pervades everywhere and which regulates the thought and deeds of all classes is an incontrovertible fact. 3/n
It is also an incontrovertible fact that the Brahmanism gives certain classes a privileged position. It denies certain other classes even equality of opportunity. 4/n
The effect of Brahmanism is not confined to what are social rights such as inter-dining or inter-marriage. If that was so, one would not mind it. But it is not so. It extends to civic rights as distinguished from social rights." 5/5
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Marx had categorically observed that “The bourgeoisie...has left remaining no other nexus between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous “cash payment.”+
It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervour, of chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation...The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto honoured and looked up to with reverent awe.+
It has converted the physician, the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage labourers.”+
Despite the shrill voice of the VHP and Dalit organizations against the inclusion of Dalit Muslims (DM) and Dalit Christians (DC) in the SC quota, it is not an open-and-shut case. While BJP has traditionally opposed the demand, PM Modi may yet throw a surprise here.+
The caste groups lording over the SC quota are not traditional BJP voters. Dalit Muslims and Dalit Christians are peripheral in the minority and anti-caste/social justice traditions. This may be an exciting entry point for the BJP, especially in the South.+
In Kerala, the Dalit Muslim fisherfolk (Pusullars) and barbers (Ossans) constitute about 5% population, and the Dalit Christians another 2%. There are significant DM/DC populations in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh and some presence in Tamil Nadu.+
AIMIM spokesperson @syedasimwaqar has labeled the Pasmanda activists who attended the "Pasmanda Buddhijeevi Sammelan" organized by the BJP in Lucknow on October 16 as "anti-Islam and Shariat." He should apologize publicly to the Pasmanda community for this offensive remark.+
Or else he should also declare Maulana Syed Arshad Madani, Maulana Asad Madani, S. Y. Qureshi, Najeeb Jung, Shahid Siddiqui, and Arif Mohammad Khan as "anti-Islam and Shariat" for dialoguing with BJP/RSS. +
Religion is a matter between Allah and the believers. No one else has the right to give certificates on this matter.
AIMIM के प्रवक्ता @syedasimwaqar ने लखनऊ में 16 अक्तूबर को भाजपा द्वारा आयोजित "पसमांदा बुद्धजीवी सम्मेलन" में शिरकत करने वाले पसमांदा कार्यकर्ताओं को "इस्लाम की नीति और शरीअत विरोधी" बताया है. इस अशोभनीय टिप्पणी के लिए वह पसमांदा समाज से सार्वजनिक माफी मांगें.+
या फिर मौलाना सय्यद अर्शद मदनी, मौलाना असद मदनी, एस. वाई. कुरेशी, नजीब जंग, शाहिद सिद्दीकी, आरिफ मोहम्मद खान को भी भाजपा/आरएसएस से संवाद स्थापित करने पर "शरीअत विरोधी" घोषित करें. +
धर्म बंदे और अल्लाह के बीच का मामला है. इस पर किसी और को राय देने का अधिकार नहीं है.
In the first wave of Pasmanda mobilization (pre-1947), the Abdul Qaiyum Ansari-led Momin Conference challenged the Jinnah-led Muslim League and its demand for Pakistan. In the second wave (the 1990s-), the Pasmanda movement challenged the enclavist politics of Owaisi-led AIMIM.+
Muslim League charged the Momin Conference for going against the tenets of Islam when the latter supported the nationalist movement led by Mahatma Gandhi and Congress Party. +
Now Asim Waqar, the AIMIM leader, after the recent Pasmanda Sammelan organized by the BJP in Lucknow states: "BJP assembled some people who do not have faith in Islam and called it a ‘Pasmanda Conference". +
"One thing I want to impress upon you is that Manu did not give the law of Caste and that he could not do so. Caste existed long before Manu. +
He was an upholder of it and therefore philosophised about it, but certainly he did not and could not ordain the present order of Hindu Society. His work ended with the codification of existing caste rules and the preaching of Caste Dharma. +
The spread and growth of the Caste system is too gigantic a task to be achieved by the power or cunning of an individual or of a class. Similar in argument is the theory that the Brahmins created the Caste. +