If your criticism about a potential Supreme Court nominee is her religion, can I kindly suggest that you look in the mirror and think about when you decided that religious discrimination is okay.
To all the folks in my mentions telling me that it’s just one *type* of Catholicism that you think makes someone unfit for office/likely to impose her religious views on others—-that’s still religious discrimination.
The replies to this are making my stomach churn. But I’ll give it one last shot for those who are insisting that Coney Barrett’s kingdom of god quote means she will force her religion on others.
Have you heard religious people talk about their faith before?
I mean, Obama said “I can sit in church and pray all I want, but I won't be fulfilling God's will unless I go out and do the Lord's work." Does anyone think he was trying to establish a theocracy or impose his religion on others? npr.org/templates/stor…
Of course people don’t think that about Obama.
So why does a similar statement make them think it about Coney Barrett?
My concern is that some people believe it because she is a Catholic. And that’s incredibly troubling.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
This thread about the humanities seems to be getting some traction. It came to my attention because a high-profile academic reposted it.
Its message is not only based on false premises, but also deeply anti-intellectual. Let me explain.
Let's start with the first claim in the thread--the idea that the humanities "aren't empirical."
Anyone who has spent any time on an American university campus knows that this is nonsense.
It confuses methodology with subject matter.
Political science, sociology, criminology, linguistics, and other fields in the humanities have a ton of faculty and researchers engaged in empirical study.
Their findings are tested by others, and sometimes falsified.
So this is just 100% wrong as a matter of fact.
I know a lot of folks in the academy will disagree with this thread. But we have to grapple with the fact that much of what happens on campus right now is about enforcing a certain view of the world, not pursuing knowledge or educating students.
Those who are pushing that worldview are doing so with the best of intentions. They see suffering and injustice in the world, and they want to use their position and limited power to change it.
But those good intentions have had some deeply unfortunate consequences.
For example, mainstream conservative views sometimes get short shrift in class discussions.
And some scholarship has abandoned analytical rigor and now looks indistinguishable from political advocacy.
I keep getting a bunch of folks in my mentions insisting I'm wrong to criticize the Trump motion for selective & vindictive prosecution on its merits because the motion is just preserving the argument for appeal
It's apparently a popular argument on MAGA Twitter, so let's discuss
Let's start with the obvious point that, if you want the court of appeals or the Supreme Court to reverse an existing case or doctrine, then you have to file a motion on the issue in the trial court to preserve the issue
That's obviously true
But what should that motion say?
In this case, Trump's motion doesn't concede that the doctrine is against him. It does not provide a clear argument about how the doctrine should be changed or modified in a way so that he could win. And it doesn't provide much at all in terms of a substantive argument.
I study prosecutorial power, so I was very interested to see what Trump's attorneys were going to say in the selective & vindictive prosecution motion they filed on Monday.
I've now read the motion and it is quite awful.
Let me explain why . . . lawfaremedia.org/article/trump-…
First, let's start with the background idea that these motions almost always lose. Current case law gives prosecutors enormous amounts of discretion regarding criminal charging, and it basically tells judges not to review those decisions.
Unless you can show that the law has been enforced only against members of a disfavored group (e.g., a minority racial group, religion, etc) and that the enforcement patters was driven by discrimination, you will lose.
Anyone who knows anything about prosecutorial power knows that Trump's motion to dismiss the J6 case on grounds of selective prosecution will fail.
And thanks to United States v. Armstrong, 517 U.S. 456 (1996), there's basically a 0% chance he'll get an evidentiary hearing.
A retaliation claim will go nowhere because of Nieves v. Bartlett, 139 S. Ct. 1715 (2019). There is no doubt that DOJ has probable cause to support its charges against Trump.
FWIW, I have no doubt that Trump's lawyers know that the law is 100% against them on the selective prosecution/retaliation claim
I imagine they are bringing this claim because a) Trump is insisting, b) to further delay the trial, and c) try and shape public opinion in their favor
A few thoughts about this thread from Simon, who not only writes great fiction about crime, but also does an excellent job here showing how oversimplified the rhetoric about crime and punishment has become.
First, I'm glad to see him highlight clearance rates and crime rates.
For all of the public attention on crime & crime spikes, I don't understand why police don't get more criticism when it comes to how awful they are at actually solving crimes. Less than 1/3 of robberies, burglaries, and rapes are solved, and only about 60% of homicides.
I understand that police brutality has captured a lot of attention. But the fact that police aren't actually solving the crimes we care about should be talked about a lot more than it is.
And I wonder how that fact might change the divisions that we see in public discourse.