What will make the impending presidential election notable is that it will remind us of how the Electoral College has shaped national politics since 1800 and how we have debated the legitimacy of election results (see 1876, 2000).
Prior to 1860, the impact of the 3/5 rule on the allocation of electoral votes favored the South, resulting in a presidency and a Supreme Court where southerners held disproportionate power (remember who nominates justices, right?).
In 1860, however, the Electoral College secured a victory for Abraham Lincoln, who did not manage to get even 40% of the popular vote.
It also helped Republicans fare well in presidential elections from 1876 through 1892, after Democrats' voter suppression reduced black voting.
It helped Woodrow Wilson in 1912, and the Democrats would retain control of the South until the 1960s.
It turned pluralities in three-way contests into majorities in 1968, 1992 and 1996: it has been fundamental to Republican chances since 2000.
As for the legitimacy of outcomes, for all the talk about 1800, the first time an outcome did not seem to reflect the popular will in the minds of many was in 1824--an election where one could argue that the process reflected Framer intent.
White Southerners raised the possibility of a legitimate process resulting in a disastrous outcome in 1856, and in 1860 they acted on it--although the process of secession they followed only faintly resembled that which they had previously outlined.
While debates over legitimacy in state contests (even during national elections) appeared between RI's Dorr Rebellion (1842) and Maine in 1880 (as well as territorial contests in Kansas in the 1850s), only in 1876 was the legitimacy of a presidential contest in question.
The next time, of course, was 2000 ... but never have we had such talk about anticipated fraud and whether the loser would accept the outcome prior to Election Day as we now see.
Debates over the Electoral College and the legitimacy of elections have met in a perfect storm.
Add to this debates over the composition of the Supreme Court and the possible role the Court might play in determining the outcome (in ways glimpsed in 1876-77 and 2000), and the result means that we could have a grave crisis. If we head it off, we're lucky.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
Time and again critics of Ulysses S. Grant's generalship claim that, above all else, he was "Grant the Butcher," who prevailed because of his superiority in resources (which was seemingly endless) despite a certain mindlessness and dullness.
Grant's supporters counter this charge largely in a statistical fashion. They compare the percentage of Grant's losses versus the percentage of losses suffered by other generals, including Robert E. Lee.
Sometimes these analyses focus on the 1864 Overland Campaign, which in the minds of some people is the only campaign Grant ever fought ... the claims of butcher rely mostly on May-June 1864.
Today's the 160th anniversary of one of the most misunderstood battles of the American Civil War ... Cold Harbor.
The story of the battle has turned into a myth that in turn has long shaped the image of Ulysses S. Grant's generalship.
Make no mistake about it ... Cold Harbor was a significant setback for Grant and US forces during the Overland Campaign. Several US commanders performed poorly that day, especially in not carrying out George G. Meade's orders to reconnoiter the Confederate position.
However, we now know that tales of 7,000 men falling in less than an hour are false. We also know that the quest for a ceasefire to recover wounded and dead between the lines was botched by two prideful commanders.
It's often asserted the as president Ulysses S. Grant destroyed the Ku Klux Klan.
The reality is not nearly as satisfying or uplifting to those who deplore white supremacist paramilitary terrorism as conducted primarily by veterans of the Confederate war effort.
The KKK became a shorthand descriptor for the many forms of white supremacist terrorism that slowly took organized form in the late 1860s. There were other massacres (Memphis) and attacks (New Orleans) against blacks and their white allies in the Reconstructing South.
By 1867 and 1868, when Black men in large numbers exercised the right to vote for the first time, white supremacist terrorism, often defined as KKK activity, targeted Black voters and Republican officeholders.
Visual portrayals of what happened in Wilmer McLean's parlor on April 9, 1865, at Appomattox Court House are worth some study.
Here's a simple early version: two generals, one table.
The table is a curious effort to bring together elements of the two tables involved in the event. Grant said at a brown wood oval table; Lee sat at a squarish marble table. Grant's chair was a swivel desk chair backed in leather, while Lee sat in a high-backed chair.
Yet it took a while for artists to include those four pieces of furniture, let alone to assign them to the general who used them.
As true Americans commemorate the anniversary of Lee's surrender to Grant at Appomattox, let's recall that the events of April 9 marked an end to one of the most successful pursuits in military history ... one that is often underappreciated.
In some sixteen days the US forces under Grant's command repulsed a breakout attempt, severed Confederate supply lines and railroads, forced the evacuation of Petersburg and the the Confederate capital at Richmond.
That's for starters.
They then outmarched a foe determined to escape, blocked any chance of the enemy combining forces in North Carolina, then headed the insurgents off before they could reach the protection of the Blue Ridge Mountains.
In the process the foe suffered nearly 50% losses.