@CommonsProcCom Chair Karen Bradley argues that the system of proxy votes + in-person voting for MPs during the pandemic is flawed & puts parliament at risk
Ahead of a debate today, she proposes a temporary return to remote divisions
2/14: The Commons Procedure Committee last week published its report on proxy voting in the House; today MPs will vote on whether to continue to permit its use for baby leave, and will consider proxies as a means of managing COVID-related absences.
3/14: Although the pilot scheme for baby leave did not satisfy everyone, the Procedure Committee concluded that it had worked well, and the motion to be debated today proposes to make that system permanent.
4/14: Pandemic-related proxy voting was brought in by ministers with little advance consideration or debate; a ‘flawed quick fix’ forcing officials to scale up the system far beyond the number of proxies and scope it had been designed for.
5/14: The majority of proxy votes have been cast by the whips of the three largest parties. This makes the scheme more manageable, but is not in keeping with the House’s practice and tends to concentrate more influence in the hands of business managers.
6/14: A system of mass proxy voting has therefore been ‘bolted on’, as part of the fourth voting system of the current parliament, compared to the almost 190-year old system of the previous parliament.
7/14: The current lobby voting system adjusted for the pandemic is unnecessary and 'unsafe', and the technology has not operated perfectly. Even with the right equipment, voting conditions remain ‘unsafe’.
8/14: ‘No-one who has queued up to vote in a division recently can possibly claim that social distancing is being scrupulously observed’; backbenchers form ‘a moving line of several hundred yards’ and must try to disperse safely after passing the tellers.
9/14: A cluster of cases spread via the division line would undermine the hard work of the parliamentary authorities to make the estate safe, and jeopardise support for the House’s core functions.
10/14: Karen Bradley has therefore tabled an amendment to today's government motion that would require ministers to bring alternative proposals for conducting divisions to the House for debate and decision, which ‘ought to include the reinstatement of remote divisions’.
11/14: Bradley argues that this is a matter for the Commons, and that ‘no party should be imposing a whip on this issue, formally or informally’. She urges her colleagues to ‘use the opportunity to make their views clear to the government’.
12/14: The Commons, and the Procedure Committee, are divided on the issue of returning to remote divisions. A majority of the Committee was in favour and even those who disagreed ‘recognised that remote voting would have to be considered again if lockdown conditions returned’.
13/14: Since new restrictions are now a real possibility, she concludes by calling on MPs to ‘take the opportunity to demand voting arrangements which are safer and more inclusive.’
Amidst much current talk of the NI Protocol and the ERG, Meg Russell and @james_lisak's forthcoming book sheds new light on this saga.
The ERG voted for the Protocol, as part of Johnson's deal, but very reluctantly. They feared that Brexit would otherwise be lost.
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David Frost's subsequent comments are quite well known.
Less so are claims in ERG member Mark Francois' book that the group promised, in private talks with No. 10, to support the deal only on the strict understanding that the NI Protocol would be changed.
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Francois says this was 'conveyed very clearly in private to the PM & No 10'.
If true, this means Johnson privately pledged to change the legal agreement he'd just reached before parliament had voted on it, & before selling it in general election 2019 as 'oven ready'.
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The Truss premiership has seen economic & political turmoil & a historic Labour lead.
Director Meg Russell argues the current crisis has been built on a foundation of poor constitutional governance and practice, established under her predecessor.
3 legacy characteristics of Johnson’s constitutional regime have been notable in the current crisis:
🚨a strained relationship with the civil service
🚨tension over the role of constitutional regulators 🚨sidelining of parliamentary scrutiny.
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Johnson held little regard for constitutional checks and balances, and his approach to constitutional norms and standards appeared central to his downfall in July 2022:
As May recalled in the Commons last week, the DUP were part of that blocking majority.
But there were "others". She refrains from saying who, but voters against included Boris Johnson, Dominic Raab, Priti Patel, Jacob Rees-Mogg & Suella Braverman.
NEW MONITOR: The 80th edition of Monitor was published today. It provides analysis of the last 4 months of constitutional news and contains sections on parliament, elections, devolution, the courts, & the monarchy. It is free and available now: ucl.ac.uk/constitution-u…
2/8 The PARLIAMENT section includes analysis of the fractious relationship between the government and parliament (including its own backbenchers & a record number of Lords defeats), and concerns about the proper scrutiny of delegated legislation.
3/8 The PARLIAMENT section also reports on parliamentary standards, including suggested changes to the Code of Conduct, & the Ryder review.
It discusses plans for the Restoration and Renewal of the Palace of Westminster, which once again appear to be in flux.
This report, on attitudes towards democracy in the UK, is extremely timely, and have been quoted by the press and politicians. This morning, former PM John Major quoted our findings.
Professor Alan Renwick @alanjrenwick introduces key aspects of this project.
First, this report is based on our survey of around 6500 people conducted last summer. This was before the Owen Paterson affair and the “partygate” issue.