Annoyingly, Nikole Hannah-Jones blocked me on Twitter today before posting more mischaracterizations of our recent disagreements about 1619 vs 1776. I'd hoped and intended to leave things at my last thread. Now I'll post videos corroborating my position.
Lest there be any confusion, I want to be clear that I do not favor banning the project from schools or the president's attacks on NHJ.
Indeed, this week a hs teacher sent me a link to a video presentation by a student who read The 1619 Project and my essay about it. My discourse and debate-loving self found it so heartening.
She studied the history on her own and by being taught the debate. And she reached her own nuanced conclusion about whether Americans ought to think of their true founding as 1619 or 1776.
Unlike Trump, I believe The 1619 Project has a place in schools so long as the strongest criticism of it is taught, too--that teaching such public controversies is a good thing if done well. Some students learn *best* from engaging in debates about a subject.
What's more, I have confidence in my side of that debate: that considering 1776 as America's true founding is better and more inclusive (full argument here theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/…). Teaching the debate highlights how unifying the civic creed expressed in 1776 can be today.
That debate has become distorted. Everyone always agreed 1776 is the literal political founding. For many months, everyone acknowledged the Project made the provocative claim that Americans ought to consider their country's "true" or symbolic founding to be 1619 instead
Jones repeatedly cited that metaphorical claim about the most "true" founding year *as a specific reason* she knew that the Project would elicit disagreement and provoke criticism and debate.
Now she treats people like me, who believe 1776 is not merely the literal founding and birth date, but better considered the symbolic founding as well, as if we fabricated contrary claims.
As noted, I'd planned to let the issue rest with a thread I posted earlier this week threadreaderapp.com/thread/1307053… But NHJ deleted a Tweet of hers I quoted in that thread. Today, she blocked me and Tweeted additional wrongheaded characterizations.
She writes, "I must acknowledge being imprecise in my casual language on Twitter, using true as in *literal and actual* and true as in *symbolic* when discussing the project, but the project nor I never argued 1619 as our literal founding."
Accurate. But the debate is about the best symbolic founding! And everything I have argued is consistent not just with stray Tweets, but with multiple videotaped statements she has made in public appearances, & that the editor of the NYT Magazine, Jake Silverstein, made as well
September 15, 2020 (yes, that recently!)
July 17, 2020
July 6, 2020:
February 13, 2020
December 4, 2019:
This last one is October 8, 2019 at an event where Jake Silverstein, the editor of the NYT magazine, is on stage with NHJ. Two clips are relevant. Here's the first:
"a powerful simplification of the project"!
Later in the same conversation
Those are the claims I & others NHJ has criticized have always been debating. What do I want? For the symbolic debate about whether 1776 or 1619 is the better symbolic founding date to be had on the merits rather than short-circuited by the canard we're arguing with a straw man
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The extraordinary cancellation of $400 million in grants to Columbia Univ. is the latest chapter in a story I have been telling for a decade. Do you understand the tension between free speech and anti-discrimination law?
This thread is the background you need. 🧵
Circa 2015, I was telling the left that its abandonment of free speech principles was shortsighted. Jelani Cobb, now dean of Columbia journalism school, claimed free speech was a diversion that was distracting from anti-racism. Here's my side in that debate and links to his: theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Now left-leaning institutions like Columbia are under attack by right populists who are invoking civil rights law and the need to fight antisemitism a kind of racism, in ways that chill speech. If you read just one piece to understand the impossible position Columbia has been in, due to tensions in different laws it is compelled to follow, read this one:theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
I'm in favor of norms against making fun of people for a disability or mental illness. But IMHO treating lots of common words as if they're actually signs of disrespect, when users aren't at all using them disrespectfully, will just make more people feel disrespected.
That's because most of these efforts to control language will not succeed, especially as they proliferate so much that no one can keep track of them all even if they wanted to do so, which many people don't.
I say this as someone who tries to use language with sensitivity and deference to reasonable requests, but even as someone who watches these things closely, I'm surprised all the time at some dustup or other about a word that I didn't even know bothered anyone.
I've got a hypothetical to test your intuitions about free expression. It takes place in a made up town of 100,000 people in Idaho, a long drive from anywhere. There is one privately owned theater in town, and for the last few decades it has never turned down a booking.
As it happens, the spotlight operator and the two guys who know how to work the moving parts on the stage are populist right types. And after reading about Dave Chappelle and the theater workers they decide to start using their influence in accordance with their politics.
They believe BLM protests are associated with higher murder rates, so they announce that they will not run the lighting or curtain for a talk with 3 prominent activists that was scheduled. And no 1619 Project anything, they say preemptively.
Listening to Chris Rufo and the teachers union officials who loathe him, one would think that "Critical Race Theory" (or panicked misrepresentation of it) is a huge factor in education politics right now. But the data shows something else:
60 percent of respondents say they are dissatisfied with the way race is taught in public schools. But when you ask that 60 percent why they are dissatisfied, here's what they say:
Today I've reached the anti-bullying phase of an early childhood education curriculum and I'm struck by a choice that it makes and curious about how that came to be.
Consider two possible approaches to anti-bullying:
1. X is different and that's wonderful! Celebrate how unique they are! Speak up if anyone bullies them!
2. X is a valuable person with feelings just like you and me! That doesn't change just because they play/look/dress different! Speak up if anyone bullies them!
Put another way, one approach emphasizes difference while the other emphasizes sameness. Diversity-loving people--probably most of you reading this tweet--tend to gravitate toward approach 1 because they *like* difference and want to teach kids to like it too. Maybe that's best.
Working through this curriculum, I see its authors struggling to work through a tension that I'm about to articulate, and I wonder how different school districts are handling it and what teachers and parents believe to be the best approaches they've found.
The tension is, basically, wanting to teach kids to reject gender stereotypes--teaching them, e.g., there are no boys toys and girls toys, and you can be a girl and wear pants or a boy and where dresses--and also teaching them that e.g. clothes are a way we express our gender.
As a matter of observation, setting aside any value judgments, it seems to me that both of these things are true. For example, anyone can wear any clothes, and also, some people where certain kinds of clothes to express their gender identity.