Some thoughts on whether we can see any evidence of tax evasion -- a felony -- in @nytimes description of the #TrumpTaxReturns. In general, it is hard to spot evasion from just a return, and often difficult even if you can also see the "work papers," or supporting documents. /1
But there are red flags one looks for, and you can see some of them in the president's taxes. I prosecuted at least 2 cases, one of them that went to the Supreme Court, where a small-business owner used his family business as a checking account. /2
It's legal to spend your business's money, of course, if you own that business. But when you do so, you have to report that money as taxable income (or, for partnerships like Trump's, give up your "basis" or right to claim deductions from the business in the future). /3
Often, tax-evading business owners will have the business buy things for them directly -- trips on private jets, home "office" renovations, fancy hair cuts, say -- and list those items as business expenses on the business's books. This produces a double tax benefit. /4
First, it allows owner to pretend that they haven't just pulled money out of their business for their own use -- which, again, should be taxable. Second, it also allows owner to claim deductions to reduce taxable business profits. /5
Aside for tax wonks: It actually turns out that for partnerships, double-dipping in this way often doesn't save money (b/c the partnership isn't taxed separately from its owners), but the partners still seem to love to zero out p'ship income. /6
So this is to say that when we see extensive deductions for what look like personal use, we're seeing behavior that is typical of the tax evasion one sees in family-owned businesses. But sometimes the expenses turn out to be legit. /7
To be sure, you audit the taxpayer and give them a fair chance to show that, say, the private jet flights were really business-related, or that they actually did report them as income. IRS's problem is that this takes a lot of time & expertise. /8
And business owners know it - that's one reason you build a chain of 80+ cos, as POTUS has. Tax experts think that self-employed taxpayers pay only about 50% of the taxes they owe. Investing in IRS capacity to audit complex businesses is usually a money-making proposition. /9
Anyway, as @kirkstark points out, there are some items reported that sound as though they would be hard to defend on audit, such as $75k in hair cuts (which the Tax Court has called "inherently personal," i.e., not deductible). But still a few steps from there to tax evasion /10
Is this the most important thing we learned yesterday? Probably not. The President owing $400m in debts to unknown persons or powers worries me more. But the chief law enforcement official should respect the law. /fin (11 of 11)
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David, Darien, & I have been helping states draft new taxes on their richest residents. For example, we helped Vermont develop a bill to mark-to-market (or tax annually) gains on unsold wealth.
Why do we think wealth and mark-to-market taxes are a good idea for states? Why did we make the design choices we did? This paper tries to answer those questions.
3/14
I'm quoted here calling Harlan Crow's scheme to deduct his yacht expense "absurd." (I also called it a "tower of bullshit: it's one bullshit argument piled on top of another," but guess the editors didn't want to run that one). Here's how the scheme works. 1/
First, remember that you only can claim tax deductions for business costs, not personal expenditures. As ProPublica reported, Crow claimed that he was engaging in yacht rental for profit, even though, as best they can tell, no one but Crows and friends ever sailed. 2/
Alternately, even if your hobby is not for profit, you can still take deductions up to the amount of any money you happen to bring in. Say, if you quilt for fun and sell $1k worth of doilies on etsy, you can deduct $1k. 3/
What happens when millions of people get pandemic unemployment benefits, and no one is sure whether they should be taxable? As @ENPancotti & I detail here, the answer is "a big mess that hard-hit workers can't clean up themselves." We sketch the stakes & possible fixes. /1
We point out that current law (law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/26…) probably already makes many benefits tax-exempt, contrary to earlier guidance from the Mnuchin Treasury. The new administration should recognize that they will likely lose in court, and change position now. /2
Forcing millions of taxpayers to learn that their benefits shouldn't have been taxed, then file a refund claim, wait 6 months, then sue the IRS, is a terrible way to treat families already hit hard by the pandemic. Especially when the law is on the families' side. /3
Looking forward to reading bad nonprofit law takes for the rest of the week.
I think a useful starting point for folks to keep in mind is that while NYAG has the best-resourced n/p office and so is often in the news, they are an extremely "light touch" regulator. Their 1st, 2d, and 3d steps are usually education and gentle nudges. This is...not that.
Some brief thoughts on the Florida poll tax case (i.e., Florida's efforts to block ex-felons from registering b/c they haven't paid all their court costs, fees, etc.). I'll argue there is an historical reason to treat these fees as "taxes" under the 24th Amendment. /1
Recall that the 24th Am. prohibits any state from barring voting for failure to pay "any poll tax or other tax." law.cornell.edu/constitution/a… /2
Does a court-imposed fee imposed after any non-acquittal criminal appearance (e.g., including after a nolo contendere plea) count as a "tax" for these purposes? I say yes, among other reasons, b/c these costs present the very dangers targeted by the original 24th Am. drafters /3
A 501(c)(4) is at the core of the Ohio bribery story. And...under the new IRS rules for (not) disclosing c(4) donors, no one would have known. Good thing we have some old tax returns from this org, eh? npr.org/2020/07/21/893…
Loving the ways that the conspirators describe c(4) cash. "Monopoly money" is probably the best. This is literally what critics of c(4) political activity have been saying.
Then there's the part where they say that secret c(4) cash allows for more intensely partisan spending, because a company making publicly-reportable payments would feel obliged to donate to both parties.