Former aides say they’ve heard Trump privately ridicule conservative religious leaders, dismiss faith groups with cartoonish stereotypes, and deride rites and doctrines held sacred by many in his base.
When Trump learned about a megachurch pastor trying to raise $60 million to buy a private jet, he was delighted by the "scam," according to Michael Cohen, and eager to highlight that the pastor was "full of sh*t."
One former Trump adviser told me he seems to feel a kind of kinship with certain prosperity gospel preachers: theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
I obtained a recording of a private meeting Trump had with religious right leaders in 2016. It's pretty revealing (especially when considering that, per Pew, most rank-and-file white evangelicals believe Trump is a religious man). theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Once, years ago, Melania informed Trump that their son was at a playdate with a Jewish girl from his school. “Great,” Trump said to Michael Cohen, who is Jewish. “I’m going to lose another one of my kids to your people.” theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Don Jr. has been so savvy in courting Latter-day Saints—expressing interest in the Church’s history, reading from the Book of Mormon—that he’s left some influential Republicans in the state with the impression that he may want to convert. theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Trump has frequently made fun of Mitt Romney’s faith in private—and was especially vicious when he learned about the religious undergarments worn by many Mormons. “Oh my god,” Cohen said. “How many times did he bring up Mitt Romney and the undergarments" theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
When I asked the White House about these anecdotes, a spokesman touted Trump's record on religious freedom and abortion, then added: “The president is also well known for joking and his terrific sense of humor, which he shares with people of all faiths.” theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
I know the "fake news!" response is a reflex at this point, but the president's apologists may want to pause and consider why the White House didn't dispute any of the details in this story. They pointed, instead, to his "terrific sense of humor." theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Some Trump apologists are defending him here by drawing distinctions between pastors like Benny Hinn/Creflo Dollar and other, more virtuous religious leaders. That's reasonable! Do you think Trump draws that distinction? ("They're all hustlers," he said.) theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
(And just for the record, because my mentions are insane: I'm not here for the "Trump's right, religious people are the worst!" tweets. I'm a person of faith, and I have no interest in glibly mocking others' beliefs. Wish that could be said of everyone...) theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
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I spent this spring reporting in Europe, where elected leaders and diplomats are watching the U.S. election with a sense of dread bordering on panic about the prospect of Trump’s return. One word came up repeatedly in my interviews: existential.
Inside the German Foreign Ministry, sources told me, contingency plans are being drawn up for Trump's return. They're also planning for a scenario in which the outcome of the election is uncertain and widespread political violence breaks out in the U.S. theatlantic.com/international/…
The Biden Administration has tried to reassure European allies about America's longterm commitment to NATO, but some officials in Washington acknowledge the effort is futile at this point. theatlantic.com/international/…
I sat in on a series of focus groups to see what Republican primary voters think of Mike Pence. It was absolutely brutal. My story: theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Some quotes I jotted down when Mike Pence came up in the focus groups:
“He’s only gonna get the vote from his family, and I’m not even sure if they like him”
“He has alienated every Republican…It’s over. It’s retirement time"
Of the 34 Republicans who participated across four focus groups, I only heard four people say they’d consider Pence for president—and two of them immediately started talking themselves out of it after indicating interest. theatlantic.com/politics/archi…
Brutal. The alt-weekly in Colorado Springs—which recently combined with several sister publications—discovered $300K in "unaccounted-for debt" and had to lay off about half its staff. They started a GoFundMe to raise $250K 3 days ago. They've raised $540. gofundme.com/f/save-sixty35…
This gets at one of the most discouraging things I heard from local reporters while writing this piece in 2021. People in their markets still read and relied on their work, but few were interested in rallying to save the local paper from extinction. theatlantic.com/magazine/archi…
One of the reasons for public ambivalence/apathy is that local newspapers rarely generate the same uncomplicated warmth that, say, a beloved local bakery does. Good journalism, by definition, often annoys people! That doesn't make it less essential.
A fascinating (and kind of hilarious) finding in this Pew survey: Mormons are among the least popular religious groups in America. They are also the only group that expresses a net favorable opinion of *every other group,* including Muslims and atheists. pewresearch.org/religion/2023/…
Mormons: You probably don't like us, but we like you!
I do think it's notable that Mormons have a *far* more favorable opinion of Muslims than any other group does. I once talked to an imam who served in Utah about how local Mormons interacted with his mosque. theatlantic.com/magazine/archi…
My theory is that a large and growing number of prominent conservatives (politicians, media personalities, etc.) are incapable of even feigning fluency in fiscal policy because they've been talking about culture war stuff nonstop for like eight years.
The culture war stuff was always there, obviously. But the biggest voices on the right in 2009-2012 also had their talking points down on regulation, the financial sector, spending, deficits, jobs, etc. Now the instinct is to pivot immediately to... dunking on DEI?
(I have a related theory that political reporters who came of age in the Trump era are, on average, less fluent in fiscal policy—and possibly just policy in general—than those who did in the Obama/Tea Party/recession years. For obvious reasons!)