As per project information memorandum (IM) dated 2016, the Government estimated cost of Nbi-Nku-Mau Summit at US$550m as shown. The contracted cost is reported at Sh180b ($1.7b) at current exchange rate. 1/13
The contracted cost of the 215km is reported at Sh180b ($1.7b), an eye popping Sh837m ($8m) per km, believe it or not, way more than the SGR ($6m/km). Dualling the 21km Athi River- Machakos Junction cost Sh5.3b, or Sh252m ($2.5m) per km.
This rate is similar to the per km cost of the $550m estimate in the project IM. Engineers and QSs need to educate us on why it is costing 3 times + as much to upgrade a similar road, more so when long stretches of the road are on flat open uninhabited terrain.
At this cost, investors would expect a dollar return of at least 12 percent, which inclusive of operational and maintenance cost a gross revenue of at least 15 percent, plus a sinking fund to pay off the debt say over 20 years. That works out to Sh36b per year or Sh98m per day.
The average daily traffic (ADT) as per the project brief, on the busiest section (Nbi-Nku) was 40k vehicles. The hurdle rate tariff at this traffic level is Sh2400 ($24) per vehicle. For PSVs, that is the fare for 4 passengers i.e just about 30% of the revenue of a 14 seater.
Of course, by the time its completed, the shilling may have weakened. The exchange rate risk and domestic interest risk (if the investors borrows locally) as well as total revenue risk falls on the Government. In fact the investor bears no risk at all, as shown.
Essentially, the investor is a bondholder guaranteed a fantastic equity premium for doing a project that the government could finance more cheaply. What do I mean? If Government goes to the Eurobond market now to build a public toll road it could borrow 10 year money at 8%.
Assuming, implausibly of course, that road costs Sh180b, the Government’s required revenue to pay interest is Sh14.4b a year, which, working with 40k vehicles translates to a tariff of Sh990 ($9 per vehicle).
The government does not need to factor in maintenance cost since we pay fuel levy for that. It also does not need a sinking fund because Governments, as perpetual entities, can and alway roll over their bonds.
But as noted the road is unlikely to cost anywhere near that much. Even if we provide for 10% cost escalation from 2016 and provide for another three years to completion, we are looking at $1b(Sh108b).
The hurdle rate of 12% calculated at the inflated $1.7 now becomes a guaranteed return of 22 percent-no sweat. The kickbacks for that? If we borrowed the $1b to build a public toll road, the interest cost on that works out to a tariff of Sh550 per vehicle.
Do the math, close to Sh2,000 per vehicle per day going to private pockets for something we could do publicly? As I keep saying, finance is the new extractive industry. 13/13
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Civics for a new generation of activists. A thread.
Patrick Gaspard’s insight on socialization of youth as consumers was a light bulb moment for me. It clarified a discordance between the new digital activism and that of my generation that I perceived but could not place.
I did not know how prescient it would turn out to be. What do I mean? I’ve been struck by how the new generation makes political demands with personal detachment, as we do with consumer rights. They seem to relate to the State as a business that has sold them a defective good or service.
The demands also come with the entitlement akin to demanding a refund or replacement of a product that comes with a warranty. They seem to expect public officials to have off the shelf solutions, as we expect of goods and services that we buy.
My reading of this political moment is that it is about corruption. It is very pivotal. We have reached pivotal moments before. The 1990-92 moment was about multiparty which is a byword for political freedom and civil liberties.
We achieved that. For the first time in Kenya, we could caricature Moi. The 1997 no- reform-no-election” moment was about political reforms.
We (and by “we” I mean the think tank convened by Willy Mutunga and Kibutha Kibwana at Naro Moru River Lodge in early 1996 that gave birth to the constitutional reform agenda), defined maximum agenda as new constitution and minimum as electoral reforms.
This warrants a comprehensive response.
CJ, you will be familiar with the anti-corruption campaign mantra that corruption hurts the poor. These protests are telling us that the chickens have come home to roost. 1/n
Such are the excesses of the last decade, that cost of corruption has reached the perpetrators. One of the differences with old corruption is that over the last decade we have been plundering and squandering borrowed money.
Before, the poor paid bore the brunt of broken infrastructure, poor or non existent services. We “upper deck”cushioned ourselves with private solutions, SUVs for broken roads, gated communities, private schools and healthcare.
Uhuru’s economic legacy is fake debt financed prosperity which benefited urban rentier elites, at the expense of producers, reflected in consumerism similar to resource windfalls economists call “Dutch Disease”. There was no other way this was going to end but in tears.
This economy is going to shrink. The other day someone who deals in high end cars asked me when I think economy would turn around. I gave him my honest opinion, told him his line of business was unlikely to recover and he might want to look into a production oriented sector.
Fortunately he’s already doing some farming. Gave him a few tips on some value chains to think about (most people don’t know that farming accounts for only 20% of agricultural value chains— rest is input supply, logistics, processing etc)
I keep hearing rose tinted retrospectives of Kibaki. Maybe I was in a different country. My recollection of defining moments of Kibakis first term.
Kibaki reneges on NARC MOU i.e appoint Ralia PM (paradoxically, PEV triggered by his fraudulent re-election forces him to co-habit with Raila as PM in 2nd term)
Murungaru and Ndwiga cause national outrage for buying state of the art Range Rovers as official cars.
1. Kenya’s macroeconomic fundamentals including debt, deficits, exports and FDI are presently much weaker than Uganda and TZ. 2. They have not been propping up their currencies artificially. 3. Kenya is more integrated with global finance hence more exposed to financial shocks.
Our external trade weaker, trade deficit averaging 10% of GDP, Uganda 7.6%, Tanzania 5.3%
Tourism also punching way below weight. Tanzania earning double in $ terms. Uganda catching up. In % of GDP Uganda close to 2X, TZ 2.6X in latest year.