The accuracy in this tweet has given me an opportunity to discuss something I have been forgetting to. We from the South always find it convenient to blame the North of having a "born to rule" mentality. Assuming that's true, a fair share of the blame belongs to us.
From my study of the political system in Nigeria I can say confidently, and proceed to demonstrate, that apart from President Buhari who appears to have the mentality of "what will you do?" Northern political leaders have simply been more strategic than the Southerners.
I will use just one example to drive home this point. While one example should not constitute sufficient sample size, when something happens consistently for 30 years, you should be able to rely on it as authoritative. What's that? The appointment of the Chief Justice of Nigeria.
I understand that it took the North 30 years to produce the first lawyer from that part of the country, after the first lawyer in Nigeria, Sapara Williams from South West Nigeria of course. Yet, before Onnoghen CJN, the South hadn't produced CJN for 30 years. Even wondered why?
I have the theory that the person who determines the CJN of Nigeria is not the President but the Governors of the States who appoint Judges in the first place. A Northern State Gov is 3ce more likely than his Southern counterpart to appoint a lawyer with 10 yrs PQE as a Judge.
I have my mates from the law school from the Northern part of Nigeria who are just waiting to clock 10 years at the Bar and they will be appointed as High Court Judges. From the South, the average year for appointment as a High Court Judge is 20 years PQE or more.
Imagine I am appointed as a Judge by my State Governor in 2032 (20 years PQE) while my mate at the Law School from the North is appointed by his Governor in 2022. By the time I am appointed in 2032, my mate may have got to the Court of Appeal, or at least close to that.
By the time I get to the Supreme Ct say in 2052 (20 years after appointment as a HC Judge and 40 years after my call to the Bar), I would have just 3 years to retire. Meanwhile my Law School mate would have been at the SC for 10 years. He would be 3 times more likely to be CJN.
I know life does not work like mathematics but you get the general sense. So next time, before we blame the North, let us ask ourselves whether we have not put ourselves at the disadvantaged position that made domination easy. For appointment of Judges, we certainly have.
That said, as I said from the beginning, none of what I have said in this thread justifies the clannish actions of the current administration. Even after a Southerner emerged CJN after 30 years, they contrived to remove him against the expression provisions of the Constitution.
See also what the President has done with the appointment of Supreme Court Justices (a topic for another day's discussion). I hope that by the time he leaves offices, there is still something left in the fabric of the society esp national cohesion. vanguardngr.com/2020/09/buhari…
"I hereby present for confirmation by the Senate, the appointment of the underlisted Eight (8) Justices of the Court of Appeal as Justices of the Supreme Court of Nigeria, ACCORDING TO THEIR RANKING OF SENIORITY AT THE COURT OF APPEAL.”
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In recent times, I have been seeing tweets asking what became of the criminal trial involving Senator Orji Uzor Kalu, former Governor of Abia State, Senator representing Abia North Senatorial Zone and the Senate Chief Whip. Those tweets also piqued my interest and got me digging.
I present to you an intriguing case that raises several questions about the Nigerian criminal justice system. This is merely an informative or, if you like, educative thread and will not involve my personal views. Also, everything here is sourced from publicly available info.
About 16 years ago, precisely in the year 2007, the Federal Republic of Nigeria acting through the EFCC commenced criminal proceedings against Senator Orji Uzor Kalu; Ude Udeogu, former Director of Finance & Accounts; and Slok Nigeria Limited, a company belonging to Senator Kalu.
1. For decades, something critical has been missing in the justice delivery system in Nigeria - the lack of clarity regarding the jurisprudential or ideological leanings of our Justices, especially the Law Lords at the Supreme Court. In a way this shouldn't have been a surprise.
2. The best thing a country's justice system can offer the business community is legal certainty. It is secondary if court decisions are wrong, or wrath injustice. What is primary is that the legal community must be able to consistently prophesy with a reasonable degree ...
... of accuracy, what the courts of the country will do when presented with any given situation. One way to achieve that is by being able to decipher the ideological leanings of the Justices, especially of the policy court.
I will start this thread with a quote from a tweet by @OmoGbajaBiamila earlier today, “[d]emocracy guarantees your right to freedom of choice. However, that choice of yours is up for debate, questioning and critique by others, and that's another right guaranteed by democracy.”
The above has become necessary in view of the torrents of abuses that supporters of Mr. Peter Obi now routinely dish out to anyone who exercises a constitutional right to express an opinion against his candidature. These days, that's all it takes to become public enemy No. 1.
The abuses reached their zenith in the days ahead of the PDP presidential primaries before Peter Obi resigned his membership of the PDP. It got to the extent that Mr. Obi had to publicly censure his supporters and urged them to be of better conduct.
On 25 February 2022, President Muhammadu Buhari reluctantly assented to the new Electoral Act, 2022, but objected to Sec. 84(12) in the Act, and asked the National Assembly to re-consider it. On 9 March 2022, the National Assembly the National Assembly declined this request.
On 16 March 2022, the Hon Attorney General of the Federation while fielding questions from correspondents after the weekly FEC Meeting hinted that the FGN (Executive) is considering suing the National Assembly. On 18 March 2022, the Federal High Court struck down the section.
I have been in law practice for a few years now, at least since November 2012, I have not seen anything like this. In this thread, I will do my best to refrain from calling names but simply state things as they are. I will also not delve into the substance of the judgment.
Sometime in 2009 while serving as a Judge of the SUG High Court of Abia State University, Uturu I was appointed into a judicial panel of inquiry headed by my learned brother as he then was, Hon. Justice Ifeanyi Idika to investigate an act of alleged sabotage by Motorcycle Riders.
The background to this was that for years, Motorcycle riders in ABSU historically increased their fares during examination period to take advantage of students. So the SUG President devised a cerebral means to tackle this. He brought in competition by buying KEKE NAPEP tricycles.
I can't remember the exact figures but the tricycles were operating at half the regular fares that Motorcycles were going for. Something had to give. One morning the students woke up to the news that the KEKE NAPEPs had been grounded. How? Someone poured salts in their engines.
On my way to work today, while catching up on my myriads of unread WhatsApp messages, I decided to scan through the compilation of newspaper headlines and one caught my attention, "Senate mulls life imprisonment for kidnappers." I got confused 😕 What's the Senate's business?
I was confused because the last time I was taught Constitutional Law in school, I knew it was not within the legislative competence of the National Assembly to make law on crimes (except in specific cases) except for the FCT. So I decided to read at least 3 versions of the story.
It turns out that there is indeed a bill before the Senate sponsored by Senator Ibikunle Amosun which has already scaled 2nd reading. The bill seeks to introduce stiffer punishments & punitive measures to combat and prevent kidnapping or abduction in Nigeria.