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I agree, Adam, that what happened in Japan is a very important story, but I would add that your graph shows Japanese government debt, which is only half the debt story. In the 1980s, when Japan was still growing quickly, private-sector debt grew more rapidly than...
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Japanese government debt. In the 1990s, however, when Japanese GDP growth had pretty much dropped to zero, private-sector debt began to shrink as a share of GDP, just as government debt began its rapid growth. tradingeconomics.com/japan/private-…
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I think, in other words, that while there was growth in Japanese debt after 1990-92, there was also a lot of shifting of debt from private-sector to government balance sheets. The reason I think this is important is because of what it might tell us about China.
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Until the early 1990s Japanese GDP growth – which was unbalanced towards investment rather than consumption, although not nearly to China's extent – had become heavily reliant on rising private and public sector debt. Because in the late 1980s much of this went to fund...
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non-productive investment, the country's total debt-to-GDP ratio began to grow rapidly (when debt is used to fund productive investment, debt grows, but debt to GDP doesn't).
Once the growth in Japanese debt began to reach limits in the early 1990s, however, GDP mostly...
6/10
stopped growing.
After that Japan partially rebalanced at the same time that debt shifted from private-sector balance sheets to public-sector balance sheets. I think these two were related. The effective shifting of debt from private to public balance sheets may have...
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been one way that income shifted to households. Their income grew more slowly than GDP before 1990s but more quickly after, which is perhaps why the collapse in Japanese GDP growth never seemed to bother Japanese households as much as you might otherwise have expected.
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The implication for China is that it can maintain rapid GDP growth only as long as debt can rise much faster than GDP, but once the growth in debt slows, GDP growth must drop sharply. So far this probably isn't controversial, but what is more complicated is...
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to understand what will happen next. Japan, I think, represents one way China can evolve, with a long period of very low growth as it shifts, rather than resolves, the debt burden.
In the end resolving the debt burden just means recognizing and allocating...
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the costs of writing it down, which is politically painful. Shifting it onto government balance sheets is a way of spreading out the allocation of costs over a very long period, although this may come at the cost of much slower growth.
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1/8 Jason Furman: "A weaker dollar may improve the economy’s long-run balance, but it does so by forcing Americans to cut back on spending. That is like telling children to eat more spinach today so they will be healthier in the future." nytimes.com/2026/02/03/opi…
2/8 Furman is right. Currency appreciation reduces consumption costs in the short term by making imports cheaper, but in a hyperglobalized world, it also undermines domestic manufacturers by making them less competitive against foreign manufacturers.
3/8 Academic economists (mainly in the US) will argue that this is a good thing because the goal should be to maximize consumption, but the only sustainable way to maximize consumption over the longer term is to maximize production. ft.com/content/89110b…
1/4 Yicai: "China's macro leverage ratio – a measure of total debt relative to nominal GDP – rose by 11.8 percentage points to 302.3 percent in 2025, exceeding the 10.1 point increase recorded in 2024, according to a new research report by CASS. yicaiglobal.com/news/chinas-de…
2/4 There is a lot of disagreement about the real debt-to-GDP ratio in China, especially given the difficulty of counting hidden debt, along with an "abnormal" rise in payables and receivables that reflects inability to pay debt more than it reflects rising revenues.
3/4 If we use the official total social finance number as the measure of debt, the ratio is 315%. The BIS and other entities show even higher ratios. But whatever the real number, it is among the highest in the world, perhaps exceeded only by Japan among major economies.
1/7 SCMP: "Chinese scholars have called for greater urgency in reducing reliance on US dollar assets, particularly after Washington and its allies froze about US$300 billion in Russian foreign exchange reserves in 2022." scmp.com/economy/global…
2/7 Although this may be a favorite new topic among academics – and not just Chinese academics - few seem to understand that a country cannot restructure global capital flows without also restructuring global...
3/7 trade flows, nor that a country cannot change its external imbalances without either changing its internal imbalances or changing the external imbalances (and thus the internal imbalances) of its trade partners.
1/12
This talk about Europe's ability to wield its holdings of US Treasuries as a political tool is as divorced from reality as the talk about China's ability to wield its holdings of US Treasuries as a political tool.
via @ftft.com/content/7d6436…
2/12
For all the huffing and puffing, Chinese holdings of US assets actually increased. This shouldn't have been a surprise. If you run massive trade surpluses, you have no choice but to acquire foreign assets, and if you won't acquire the alternatives, you must buy US assets.
3/12
These analysts seem to forget that you cannot change your capital account without also changing your trade account, and that you cannot change your external imbalances without also changing your internal imbalances.
1/7 EU commissioner for trade Maroš Šefčovič is absolutely right to question the usefulness of the WTO: "If the WTO is to meet today’s challenges, its rules must be fair and deliver balanced, legitimate outcomes. Currently, they do neither." ft.com/content/2ff1d4…
2/7 The fact that decades of the largest, persistent trade imbalances in history have largely been WTO compliant suggests strongly that the WTO is more about maintaining legal fictions than it is about discouraging the adverse impact of trade intervention on the global economy.
3/7 As Keynes (and many others) pointed out nearly a century ago, evidence that a country is intervening in trade shows up very clearly in the form of persistent, beggar-thy-neighbor trade surpluses. If the latter exists, then the former exists.
1/6 Reuters: "Chinese leaders have pledged to "significantly" lift household consumption’s share of the economy over the next five years, but have not given a specific target." reuters.com/world/asia-pac…
2/6 If we assume that Beijing hopes to raise the consumption share of GDP by 3-5 percentage points (roughly a third of what it would need to be a more "normal" low-consuming economy), consumption would have to grow by 1-2 percentage points faster than GDP over the period.
3/6 That's a pretty big gap, and one we have never yet seen in the past 3-4 decades of Chinese growth. The good way to manage this, of course, would be for consumption growth to accelerate, although it is not at all clear what would cause that acceleration.