The concern expressed in this article is a direct consequence of the lack of transparency and democratic accountability for the government’s decisions on local lockdowns. thetimes.co.uk/article/no-cor…
There are serious equality concerns about what is happening.
And apparent different treatment of Tory constituencies - by at least the infection rate/100k metric which seems to have been a major factor in decision-making.
The problem is that, in the absence of any transparency about the criteria being used (what other ones are there apart from the rate/100k metric?) you simply can’t tell whether political bias is entering into decision-making.
It’s hard to see anything that is more likely to damage public confidence that the suggestion that Ministers are looking after their own party’s areas.
And without transparency you can’t assess what trade-offs are being made, or what is the impact on existing inequalities of those trade-offs.
The lack of transparency is part and parcel of the lack of effective democratic scrutiny: because such scrutiny would force transparency (as well as, in itself, improving legitimacy and public confidence).
But absent transparency and proper scrutiny, the suggestion of gross political bias, and the suggestion that poorer areas are being hit hardest, will take root. With substantial damage to public confidence - on which the success of these measures - and lives - depend.
That is why there is no tension between proper democratic governance and effectiveness here: on the contrary, the two go hand in hand: proper democratic governance (transparency/scrutiny/accountability) is essential to public confidence and hence to effectiveness.
It’s worth noting that all these points and concerns - including issues about geographical selectiveness and equality) were powerfully raised in July by a @SocLabLaw paper on easing (and re-imposing) the lockdown (to which I contributed). …c-4eeb-be13-51b5736f1b93.filesusr.com/ugd/01ea09_7a8…
See
Some things have moved on. And we didn’t foresee that gross political bias might be a possible concern. But the basic points remain on the nail.
NB: there are real technical difficulties here, in particular that making the relevant regulations under the draft affirmative procedure (ie only taking effect after a positive vote by both Houses) takes too much time.
But a government that actually welcomed scrutiny, and saw its importance, would have found a way to ensure it (using its majority to make any necessary procedural changes).
Unfortunately, we don’t have such a government.
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1. It is incorrect to say that mobility arrangements are an "EU competence". Plenty of EU member states have mobility agreements with third countries.
What is true, and is perhaps what de Fossard is (inaccurately) trying to get at, is that there is debate within the EU as to how mobility agreements with the UK should be handled, with the Commission trying to assert its competence (as it tends to do).
To show why it’s poor, all I need to do is to refer him to a few paragraphs of the judgment setting out what was the legal issue that @UKSupremeCourt had to resolve.
To summarise the summary: legislation requires an environmental impact assessment (EIA); the local authority decided that the EIA didn’t need to include an assessment of the impact on the climate of oil produced by the site; was it lawful for it to take that view?
The 🐘 in the room that it fails to confront (though sometimes hints at): that companies operate in a world where the public expects them to uphold standards in conduct and recruitment and they will suffer *commercially* if they don’t.
An example is the hand-wringing discussion of the growth of ESG funds that simply fails to explain why they’ve grown (the obvious answer being the inconvenient one that they respond to public demand).
Others - see eg - have dealt with the “no big negative impact” claim here (and it isn’t “assume”: it’s looking at the evidence and applying standard analysis). But a couple of points on “and so little use has been made of the opportunities [Brexit] offers”
The current government has taken - in rafts of legislation since 2019 - enormous powers to change EU regulatory rules. That was so even before the Retained EU Law Act (REULA) gave them even greater powers to do so, largely without needing to involve Parliament.
Have they used them? Despite the huge political pressure on them, and every incentive on individual ministers, to find “Brexit opportunities”, hardly at all.
The concerns set out by @GeorgeMonbiot here have powerful and authoritative backing from the 2022 @CMAgovUK report into children’s care. Its conclusion:
Since then, the inability of the children in care system to deal adequately with children in care with complex needs has led to an explosion in “Deprivation of Liberty Orders” (DOLs) - so many that there is now a special court to deal with them. judiciary.uk/launch-of-nati…
Some brief comments on the European Commission’s proposal to get a mandate to negotiate a youth mobility agreement with the UK. ec.europa.eu/commission/pre…
1. The EU is not there yet. The mandate has to be agreed by the Council of Ministers: probably by qualified majority. And it isn’t clear whether a final agreement would need to be ratified by all Member States as well as the EU itself.
2. If the EU does agree a mandate, that is likely to slam the door on any attempt by the UK to negotiate youth mobility agreements with individual Member States (because they have a duty of sincere cooperation). So any agreement would have to cover (say) 🇧🇬 as well as (say) 🇫🇷.