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Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
@gautambhatia88
Nov 14, 2020 • 20 tweets • 6 min read • Read on X
"Personal liberty."
"Personal liberty."

m.thewire.in/article/rights…
"Personal liberty."

Also "personal liberty."

One full thread of the most up-to-date jurisprudence on "personal liberty":

Guardians of "personal liberty" having a very normal one today.

The relentless pursuit of "personal liberty" by the courts brings a lump to every throat and a tear to every eye.

Today, the great protector of "personal liberty" distinguish itself yet again with its great protection of "personal liberty."

"Personal liberty" had another excellent outing at the Supreme Court today.

"Personal liberty" had taken a christmas and new year's break, but it is back with a bang at the courts:

Score of two in two days for "personal liberty" at the Indian courts.

Another one to add to the annals of "personal liberty" and the Indian courts.

And another. #personalliberty

And another. #personalliberty

The "personal liberty" judiciary has outdone itself today in its commitment to defending personal liberty.

This "UP Court" has joined other Indian courts in protecting and defending "personal liberty."

The "one day without liberty is one day too much" Court showing once again that it's a "show me the man and I'll show you the law"Court.

Just as in the Arnab Goswami case where there were multiple FIRs to harass people, the Supreme Court today also came to the rescue of "personal liberty."

Oh wait, no, it didn't. The Supreme Court said instead, "show me the man, I'll show you the law."

Adding another glittering achievement of the Indian judiciary in the domain of personal liberty.



(PS. People will say that trial courts' hands are tied because of SC's UAPA judgments (such as Watali). That is false. Every judgment can be distinguished.)

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More from @gautambhatia88

Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
Mar 31
I remember how, one of the very first instances of our indoctrination into the glories of US First Amendment law was the “vagueness doctrine” - that US courts would come down hard on attempts to restrict or penalise speech through vaguely worded laws. (1/n)
Along with that we studied the “over-breadth doctrine” - that US courts would strike down laws that were worded so broadly that, in their application, they could be applied to both protected and unprotected speech. (2/n)
So we read the ringing pronouncements in landmark cases like Grayned v Rockford, which linked anti-vagueness to the precepts of the rule of law, and we read the eloquent arguments of scholars like Vincent Blasi, with his “pathological perspective” on free speech. (3/n)
Read 9 tweets
Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
Aug 1, 2024
Pending longer analysis on the blog (not be me), a couple of quick clarifications about today’s sub-classification judgment.

1. SC hasn’t said that states *have* to sub-classify. It has said that they *can* sub-classify, based only on empirical data of relative marginalisation.
2. The only question before the SC in these proceedings was whether the previous judgment in EV Chinnaiah’s case - which said that sub-classification is *unconstitutional* - was correct or not. The SC said it wasn’t correct, based on the wording of Art 341 of the Constitution.
3. There was no other question before the Court, including “creamy layer.” Nor have the four judges who’ve (unnecessarily) talked about “creamy layer” issued any binding or enforceable directives to the State. At the highest I think these have no more legal force than advisories.
Read 7 tweets
Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
Jun 22, 2024
Just re-read the 2013 judgment of the Gauhati HC that declared the CBI to be unconstitutional, primarily on federalism grounds. So well-researched and reasoned.
No wonder it was immediately stayed by the SC, which hasn't touched it in the last 11 years:

indiankanoon.org/doc/133280611/
Interestingly, the judgment of the Gauhati HC came exactly a month after the Bombay HC passed a diametrically opposite judgment upholding the validity of the NIA. The federalism arguments raised in both cases were almost identical (Entry 8 List I, etc).

indiankanoon.org/doc/114121933/
The difference between the two judgments was that the Gauhati HC based its analysis on a close reading of history (including the CA Debates) to arrive at its interpretation of how the federal scheme deals with policing. The Bombay HC did not.
Read 5 tweets
Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
Jun 5, 2024
The judiciary and the 2024 General Election: a thread of the coverage on the ICLP blog.

1. A Critique of the Election Commission’s Order in the “Real NCP” Dispute (17 Feb 2024), by Yogesh Byadwal --

indconlawphil.wordpress.com/2024/02/17/gue…
2. The Unexamined Law: On the Supreme Court’s Stay Order in the Election Commissioners Case (22 March 2024) -- indconlawphil.wordpress.com/2024/03/22/the…
3. An Injudicious Judicial Opinion (27 April 2024) --

(on the VVPAT-verification order)indconlawphil.wordpress.com/2024/04/27/an-…
Read 9 tweets
Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
Mar 27, 2024
Reading this excellent book, which has a lot of resonance with present-day events.

Sharing some of the most striking paragraphs. Image
“Mau Mau had to be eliminated at all costs,” he later recalled, “something had to be done to remove these people from society.”

Thinking about where that kind of language has been used recently. Image
“He and his finance minister, Ernest Vasey, despaired that Mau Mau was not communist. Had it been, the British government would have given them a blank check to suppress the movement, as it had done with General Templar and the communist uprising in British colonial Malaya.” Image
Read 10 tweets
Gautam Bhatia Profile picture
Mar 10, 2024
In light of recent events with respect to the Election Commission, there is persistent confusion about the constitutionality of the current selection process, and the Supreme Court's 2023 judgment on the appointment of Election Commissioners.

A brief thread. (1/n)
Article 324(2) of the Constitution grants to the President the power to appoint the Election Commissioners, subject to Parliamentary law.

The intention of the framers of the Constitution was that the President's power would be transitional, until Parliament made a law.

(2/n)
The text of Article 324(2) of the Constitution:

(3/n)indiankanoon.org/doc/950881/
Read 20 tweets

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