Insurgent strategy must always be grounded in a sober assessment of the present balance of forces.
But it must also be grounded in a visionary imagining of how forces can favorably shift when insurgents capture the momentum.
The real trick is to hold both things at once.
Don't let people who aren't accountable to an organized base set the strategy.
Don’t demonize your opponents to the point that you neglect to study them.
Learn to claim & celebrate partial victories. Real political wins are nearly always partial, accompanied by some disappointment. But if we don’t claim our wins, then we’re not explaining to people the utility of organized collective action—providing them little reason to join us.
The Political Identity Paradox:
Social movement organizations require strong internal identity in order to foster the commitment needed for protracted struggle. But this same cohesion tends over time to isolate the group from the larger society—including needed potential allies.
There's no such thing as a "leaderless movement." Leadership may be informal rather than formal. Leaders may seek to operate invisibly behind the scenes. There may be many leaders instead of a single figurehead. But wherever there is movement, there are leaders. And we need them.
Political marginality can be highly addictive.
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I was part of a grassroots machine that turned out tens of thousands of unlikely PA voters for Biden 2020. He wasn't our top pick but we worked hard to defeat Trump.
Hearing now from so many of our volunteers that they cannot in good conscience vote for him again.
#CeasefireNOW
It's not just votes that Biden is losing. He's losing thousands of the hardworking volunteers who roll up their sleeves and do the thankless work of knocking door after door and making phone call after phone call to persuade voters and get out the vote.
Predictable establishment Dem responses to what I'm pointing out here:
1. Doubt that volunteers like this make a difference in election outcomes.
2. Attack the voters and volunteers for being stupid and enabling a Trump/Republican victory.
It is irresponsible journalism to refer to Joe Manchin and Kyrsten Sinema as "moderates."
Words have meanings! They also have positive and negative associations that have an effect on readers and viewers.
Have an ed board meeting about it or whatever, but please make it stop.
The labels "moderate" and "centrist" are associated with the idea of the "median voter." The implication is that "moderates" are closer to the position of most voters who are "in the middle" and alienated from the extreme poles of either political party...
Political elites have been wrapping themselves in the label "moderate" for decades to push agendas that are highly unpopular with working-class people (e.g., "free trade" deals and deregulation of Wall Street).
What depresses the hell out of me when listening to Democratic politicians, liberal advocacy groups, and unapologetic leftists alike, is how rarely I hear people even try to speak in popular/majoritarian language.
And I'm primarily talking about spokespeople here—folks who are presumably trained or prepared to be connecting with popular or particular social bases in order to activate them or win their sympathy.
Senator @kyrstensinema’s history and psychology is as fascinating as it is depressing. She seems motivated by a somewhat personal resentment of “the Left” and her own experience of its ineffectiveness and naval-gazing (in a particular time period)…
She and I are roughly the same age. I also came of age with the same backdrop of a weak, dysfunctional Left. It often felt like we didn't have anything big enough to really accurately call a "movement"; it might sound harsh, but we had residue from when there had been a movement.
I too became disillusioned with the pathologies of what I too often experienced as a small and insular Left—a little clubhouse that often seemed completely uninterested in building or wielding real political power. I've written a lot about this experience in @hegemonyhowto
If we want a future that is not run (/run into the ground) by literal Nazis, we will have to fight for it. There is no "back to brunch."
If we want to defeat authoritarianism, we will need to do a lot better than condemning its most heinous visible acts.
We have to confront the underlying crisis of runaway inequality that has created conditions where authoritarian demagogues and movements flourish.
If the Biden Administration and Democrats in Congress fail to deliver big for working class people (urban and rural, young and old, of every race), then the next consolidation of authoritarian power will likely be far worse than the one we have just endured.
The story of who was key in defeating Trump is a critical contest in framing Biden’s popular mandate.
A message strategy thread:
Trump’s defeat is the result of a massive multiracial working class movement fighting back—as opposed to an intervention of elite forces, former GOP operatives, or of conservative “swing” voters.
A core challenge in this narrative contest is cutting through the noise and the bunk “common sense” of the dominant narrative asserted by the political class.