#NowReading Profits Without Production (1983) by Seymour Melman
Whatever the maneuvers for financial and market control that went on in the boardrooms of industrial capitalism, no one doubted that investing in and efficiently operating the means of production, especially those of basic industry, was the high road to wealth and fame.
Melman
By the 1960s the ideal type had become the financier-strategist, the shrewd, nimble operator who combined disparate firms into conglomerates that maximized the short-term profit-taking opportunities afforded by tax laws, securities transfers, the milking of production assets
SM
The money-making strategies of private management, combined with the enlarged power of the state managers, result in the looting of the productive capital of the system on behalf of short-term money-making and military-political power.
Melman
The shoe factories of New England are closing and their machinery and tools are sold abroad—well, in the post-industrial society, Americans should be concerned with high technology and not with demeaning work like shoemaking that can well be done in less developed countries.
SM
The U.S. machine tool industry practiced cost-minimizing, the managers and engineers acting to offset increases in their own costs by improving their own productivity. As a result, the prices of their products, the basic machines for all U.S. industry, rose more slowly than wages
For leading firms of the machine tool industry, those best able to do research and new product development, the relationship with the Department of Defense became an invitation to discard the old tradition of cost-minimizing.
Melman
With the new technologies, productivity of capital becomes more important in terms of cost than productivity of labor. Optimum results are obtained, not by maximizing manual dexterity or physical exertion, but rather through sustained optimum use of the capital equipment.
Melman
By their resolve to maximize money profits and managerial decision power, American corporate managers have set in motion the deindustrialization of entire regions of the United States. The closing of thousands of factories is the central feature of this process
Melman
Ordinary maintenance and new investment are dispensed with, the better to accumulate capital funds for investment in new industries, new products, new locations. Then the factories so deprived are finally shut down on grounds of high operating costs, inability to compete, unions
What is described in economic theory as mobility of capital translates into shattered lives, decaying communities, and a net loss of production competence in the nation as a whole.
Melman
Through US tariff code regulations 806.30 and 807.00, US-owned corporations could assemble products in a virtually tariff-free 12.5 mile strip of border zone and import them into the country paying duty only on the cost of cheap Mexican labor
Melman
The social cost of the military economy of the United States from 1946 to 1981 amounted to not less than $4,000 billion. This is a combined money measure of resources used up and economically useful output forgone.
Melman
When we take into account both the resources used up by the military as well as economic product foregone, then we must appreciate the social cost of the military economy 1946-1988, as amounting to about twice the “reproducible assets” of US national wealth.
Melman
Unemployment insurance funds have been designed to cope with temporary layoffs, not with the termination of enterprises or the displacement of whole occupations.
Melman
Comparative advantage loses clear meaning when one considers the array of products in which West Germany and Japan have come to excel. What is particularly “German” about many classes of machine tools, or of the electric trolleys (“light rail vehicles”) that enjoy a world market?
A castoff nation is created when its working people—all grades—are progressively discarded by decision-makers determined to make money outside production, outside the country, and by military work that contributes no life-serving product.
Melman
A far-reaching and sustained industrial effort for reconstruction requires a firm ideological commitment, to assure people that the desired economic renewal can actually be achieved, and so to maintain the will and drive necessary to carry it through.
Melman
Private and state managers have been schooled to an inability to carry out the basic task of organizing people for work.
Melman
Organized workers must face the problem of making finance capital arrangements to take over ownership of productive enterprises whose conventional managements do not find an adequate rate of return on investment to justify their further participation.
Melman
When managers are oriented to serve production and reject the idea that a workingman is “. . . more or less of the type of the ox,” then the way is open to viewing production work as important and honorable.
Melman
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"Since Jews were not allowed to rent, they bought Lawndale--block by block--and they were thrilled to be able, for the first time, to do so. Their focus on acquiring real estate bordered on the obsessive and would play a major role in the success of the Supermob." --Gus Russo
Jefferson’s Secretary of State James Madison in 1803:
“Notwithstanding the just repugnance of this country to a coalition of any sort with the belligerent politics of Europe the advantages to be derived from the cooperation of Great Britain in a war of the United States at this period against France and her allies are too obvious and too important to be renounced…
“It is equally probable that a stipulation of commercial advantages in the Mississippi beyond those secured by existing treaty will be required. On this point it may be answered at once that Great Britain shall enjoy a free trade with all the ports to be acquired by the United States on the terms allowed to the most favored nation in the ports generally of the United States. If made an essential condition you may admit that in the ports to be acquired within the Mississippi the trade of her subjects shall be on the same footing for a term of about ten years with that of our own citizens.” founders.archives.gov/documents/Madi…
In 1800s Virginia, a bad system of agriculture and the force of habit prevented material improvement. Wealth was measured in land and African slaves. The land was poor and the slaves were wretched.
George Washington wouldn’t induce anybody to live in the southernmost states. Travelers observed the diverse culture of North Carolina with curiosity.
The bluff from Muh Values Republicans is that nobody will ever actually dare to trace the core ideals of our nation back to George Washington, where their political philosophy is clearly rebuked and rejected anyway.
You can know that Jeffersonian newspaper propaganda wasn’t the wellspring of original American ideals because of chronology and the prefix in the name “Antifederalist” alone. It’s not rocket science.
Since the first administration under the Constitution, democracy lovers have consistently undermined the American national project by flattering humanity as naturally good and then promising wondrous moral effects from individuals having the liberty to pursue their inclinations.
going to read some Othmar Spann and tell you what I find
justification of the seamy side of capitalism with inevitable defects
Socialist thinkers infered a communistic society from these evils
But in Germany another trend became manifest. Economists turned away from atomist and mechanist view towards an organic conception of society
Fichte left moral self-determination intact; but human beings, epistemologically considered, had become for him no longer individuals; they were members of an aggregate, parts of an organism established upon the principle of spiritual reciprocity