Core to my analysis of power has been -- since about 1998 -- that power is rooted in a cognitive strategy of disengagement (walls, borders, static systems, tradition, etc), whereas freedom is about engagement (networking, vigilance, reflection, empathy, etc).
I discuss this briefly in my piece Two Definitions Of Power (which got reposted in 2009 during a website change, but was first posted in the early 00s) while addressing and rejecting attempts to use "power" with positive valences or other definitions.
This core analytic dichotomy between engagement and disengagement cuts through all my work. It was initially a troubling tension with my involvement in the counter-globalization movement. Eventually it won out in the consent v agency framework debate and became positive freedom.
(Basically I got hung up on "how do we ever get consent to the act of communication of consent," worried all language was immoral and put myself in solitary for a long while before coming to the agency consequentialist framework and extensively checking that it worked.)
Broadly speaking in this dichotomy there's entropy (entangling of disparate systems) and attempts to resist it.
The former involves rationality, self-reflection, model building, etc but also empathy, dissolution of individual identity to wider circle of care, etc.
The latter tendency in contrast fights against entanglement by trying to create and preserve simplistic isolated or static patterns. This is necessary to hold up the arbitrariness of a strong apriori individual self (rather than just a reflective awareness of contingent self).
The construction of nations, borders, identities, groups, formalized systems, etc often all try to violently strip away and impede emergent complex entanglements. It's a reactionary fight against the future, against time, to (establish and) preserve.
The "reactionary" politics that emerged in fear of radical social change with the french revolution is named doubly well because in its war against the uncontrollable complexity of entanglement, of future development, it has to retreat to *reactive* impulse and instinct.
It has to stop the feedback loop of *engagement* because engagement drives radicalism, so it has to segfault one's cognitive processes into habits, traditions, instincts, unexamined happenstance desire, etc.
The reflective -- *integrative* -- process has to be stopped.
In this way those who see "freedom" or the "wild" in returning to instinct and unexamined default desire are not in fact embracing anything like freedom, they're embracing the cold death of dis-integration, killing the integrative spiral that is reflective consciousness.
The anarchist approach must be to emphasize -- to accelerate -- the weaving together of the world. True freedom is not isolation and stasis -- causal remove -- but the blossoming possibility, complexity, *options* enabled by choosing engagement and integration.
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It's weird to be decades into libertarians discovering left market anarchists and still fielding these kinds of critiques. Anarchism isn't "remove the state and whatever might come is good" it's a deep critique of power and thus *obliges* cultural and institutional changes.
Yes, we frequently highlight the systematic and dispersed impact of sustained state violence on shaping our present capitalist world and its economic and social norms. But we are not "come what may" advocates. As Charles emphasized endlessly: *we* are the market. We get choices.
So libertarians tend to miss that we are obliged not only to rip out the continued impacts of state violence that prop up bosses, corporations, etc, but also to work to *undo* the centuries of distortions and lasting impact upon the distributions and *norms* of our society.
"Lifestyle anarchism" continues to signify whatever one personally finds frustratingly illegible about a *movement* rather than a *Party.*
You don't know the local prison support crew? Then they're lifestylists. You don't get why some friends are brewing kombucha? Lifestylists!
Movements are fluid ecosystems. They grow projects & networks that defy easy mapping. They accrue tacit knowledge from praxis & argumentation that can't be codified into a single FAQ or onboarding document.
This is frustrating to newbies and infuriating to would-be bureaucrats.
Pretty much no one in the entire fucking history of the anarchist movement said "let's just squat and ride bikes; fuck all struggle and strategy." You're tilting at a crimethinc zine that doesn't even really exist and that they repudiate with their every publication for decades.
Love the inane "trump voters are just a product of material conditions" re-tread of 2016's "it's just economic anxiety." Same sort of reactionaries saying it, but they've swapped from identifying as libs to marxists.
People love Trump because 1) our epistemic ecosystems are toxic sludge, 2) many people have intense investments in the (often non-material) benefits of patriarchy and racism, 3) fear of ratcheting cancelation has scared every type of amoral bastard into mobilizing together...
4) transphobia is intense and rabidly popular rn as a blowback to progress, 5) mild personal inconveniences and changes to every day life during COVID radicalized people for life, 6) the left keeps pratfalling with horrifically bad analysis, and yes 7) inflation sucks.
Like don't get me wrong, I have my critiques and deviances from some of the movement's tendencies, but for better or worse modern anarchism is a mixture of radical feminism, quaker consensus, fourth generation warfare theory, 70s anthropology, and some of the autonomists.
It's cringe to look at direct action cells and be like "ah yes, I know this, Bakuninist terrorism." Stirner is more of an online meme than a popular influence. Virtually no one reads Nietzsche and Aragorn said he was of zero inspiration to his attempt to make "nihilism" a thing.
Well yeah, obviously. *Specific* revolutions will be won. Insurgencies will erode the ability of power everywhere to function. Prefigurative experimentation will spread more liberatory norms. Technologies will be contested and shifted.
Our forever walk towards anarchy -- as Malatesta described it -- is not a single hop on a single day. It's a gradual process of erosion and catalyzing strength.
Such evolution can be violent and punctuated, but there is no magical day after which we finish and rest.
When I was a young anarchist in the 90s and early 00s, the entire movement used "After The Revolution" as an ironic meme to emphasize the absurdity and the ignorance of anyone in that frame. We were also steadfastly hostile to nihilism. Because progress is possible without magic.
An underexamined problem is that the most noxious reactionary shit emerges in radical spaces during the downturn.
2008-20010 was horrible. 2015-2018 was likewise the worst. Say what you will about the grifters and monsters flooding in during the peaks, the lean years are nasty. t.co/WKGmJQ8aeu
When the tide comes in there's a feeding frenzy, everyone eats well but new monsters arrive. Then the new monsters are slowly and painfully eliminated and the children spawned mature. Then there's no resources, contests feel zero-sum, and power floods into non-radical lefty shit.
Like we got nihilists at the bottom of the first downturn during Obama's ascension, and tankies at the bottom of the last one, when Bernie became a thing.
These were both permanent massive injuries to the struggle for liberation that continue to poison shit.