George Monbiot Profile picture
Apr 14, 2021 14 tweets 3 min read Read on X
How I became a human plague – and stumbled into one of the most astonishing scientific stories I’ve ever encountered.
My column.
Plus thread.
theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
1. There’s an aspect of this story that I didn’t have space for in the column. This is about how the scientific and media establishment closed ranks around bad science, defending it from legitimate questioning and criticism.
2. In 2011, the Lancet’s editor, @richardhorton1, a man I otherwise admire, was challenged about major anomalies and irregularities in the PACE Trial paper he published. He dismissed the critics as “a small but highly vocal minority”. They turned out to be right.
3. In 2012, a promoter of the now-debunked claims that Cognitive Behavioural Therapy and Graded Exercise Therapy are effective treatments for ME/CFS was awarded the John Maddox Prize for defending them against what the Prize board called “intimidation and harassment”.
4. Intimidation and harassment are never acceptable. It’s true that some patients resorted to online insults and abuse, which was clearly wrong. But much of what was called “intimidation and harassment” was in fact legitimate critique of the methodology and requests for data.
5. Queen Mary University of London spent 5 years rebuffing requests for the PACE Trial data, characterising them as “vexatious”. In the media, these requests were described as “harassment”. Again.
6. But these data should have been in the public domain from the outset. When they were eventually released and re-analysed, they showed that the PACE Trial conclusions were unsafe and unsupported.
7. When patients and the scientists supporting them revealed massive methodological flaws and showed that the £5m PACE Trial had reached unsafe conclusions, it was an amazing victory for citizen science. But it was reported in the media as - you guessed it - further “harassment”.
8. Here’s something that shouldn’t need stating. Scientists should NEVER close ranks against empirical challenge and criticism. They shouldn’t deny requests for data, shouldn’t shore up disproven claims, shouldn’t circle the wagons against legitimate public challenge.
9. Some major soul-searching is in order. Why was it that massive methodological flaws in the PACE Trial weren’t picked up in peer review? Why weren’t they spotted by the steering committee and external adjudicators?
10. Why weren’t the trial data released from the outset? Why was it left to patients and independent researchers to expose the problems with a massive and expensive trial? Why did senior figures and boards continue to defend disproven claims?
11. A great injustice has been done to patients already suffering grievously from a terrible condition. On the basis of flawed findings, they’ve been told that their condition is largely psychological, and they’ve been pressed into useless and, arguably, dangerous treatments.
12. In some cases they’ve been denied benefits. Guess what? The PACE Trial was part-funded by the Department for Work and Pensions. They’ve been treated as scroungers and malingerers. In other words, the scientific mistakes were highly consequential.
13. I would like to see those who defended the bad science of the PACE Trial stepping up and accepting they made mistakes – it’s the least they owe the patients. There also seems to be a strong case for retracting the original PACE Trial papers.

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More from @GeorgeMonbiot

Jul 8
1. This is a thread about a new form of political organising, which proved spectacularly successful in this election, and that other constituencies would do well to adopt. It’s a means of navigating our unfair, unrepresentative first-past-the-post electoral system. 🧵
2. It’s the People’s Primary model developed by some very smart folk in my own constituency, South Devon. They set up the @SDevonPrimary. This article explains how it works. theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
@SDevonPrimary 3. There was a great deal of hostility, from the Conservatives, Labour and even the LibDems (the ultimate beneficiaries). Why? Because the model enables voters to take back control of the electoral process from political parties. They hate that.
Read 9 tweets
May 23
#IDthought 6: At every general election, we are faced with a binary choice. With one cross, we are deemed to have signalled our agreement everything in a party’s manifesto and everything else – if it wins – it can ram through Parliament over the next five years. 🧵
It’s not that different from the cross or thumbprint with which indigenous people were asked to sign treaties with European colonists, which in some cases they were unable to read. It arises from the same mode and style of governance.
There is no means of refining our choice, of accepting some items and rejecting others. With one decision, we are presumed to have consented to thousands of further decisions. We do not accept the principle of presumed consent in sex. Why should we accept it in politics?
Read 11 tweets
May 22
#IDthought 5: Until the neoliberal era, inequality declined for some 60 years. From the 1980s onwards, it returned with a vengeance. Since 1989, America’s super-rich have grown about $21 trillion richer. The poorest 50 per cent, by contrast, have become $900 billion poorer.🧵
Why? Because trade unions were crushed. Because tax rates for the very rich were slashed. Because any regulation that big business viewed as constricting was loosened or eliminated. And, perhaps most importantly, because *rents* were allowed to soar.
I don’t just mean housing rents. I mean all *access fees* to essential services that have been captured by private wealth: water, energy, health, railways etc. And the interest payments arising from the financialisation of higher education.
Read 6 tweets
May 17
#IDthought 1: Throughout the media we see an unremitting, visceral defence of capitalism, but seldom an attempt to define it, or to explain how it might differ from other economic systems. We propose a definition that seeks to distinguish it from other forms of economic activity Capitalism is an economic system founded on colonial looting. It operates on a constantly shifting and self-consuming frontier, on which both state and powerful private interests use their laws, backed by the threat of violence, to turn shared resources into exclusive property, and to transform natural wealth, labour and money into commodities that can be accumulated.
If you're thinking, "what the hell?", there's some background here: theguardian.com/commentisfree/…
I did produce a neater definition, which has the virtue of parsimony, but the disadvantage of being incomprehensible to almost everyone.
"Capitalism is an economic system that both creates and destroys its own n-dimensional hypervolume."
Read 5 tweets
Apr 15
1. This week’s column is about something we badly want to believe, regardless of the evidence: that livestock farms are benign and harmonious. Why? Mostly, I think, because it chimes with books and cartoons we see as very young children. Also: a threadtheguardian.com/commentisfree/…
2. It discusses a film enjoying unexpected success in UK cinemas: Six Inches of Soil. In many ways, it’s a good film. But it tells us a story we want to hear, and in some respects is misleading and wrong. sixinchesofsoil.org
3. This is especially the case with the carbon calculations for the cattle farm it features: first we see a temporary, cyclical gain reported as making the farm carbon negative. Then entirely hypothetical figures treated as if they are real. Both cases are serious misinformation
Read 12 tweets
Feb 21
1. There’s a telling sequence in the Netflix docuseries Raël. A completely mad cult claims, without a jot of evidence, to have cloned a human. And the world’s media fall for it, hook, line and sinker. All it took to fool them was 2 people in white coats and some lab equipment.🧵
2. What do we learn from this?
A. That the media is as susceptible to evident BS as the members of the crazy cult.
B. That it has a massive diversity problem – and not just the one(s) you are probably thinking of.
3. In any major newsroom, just about the only people with science degrees are specialist reporters. Almost without exception, the senior staff and main decision-makers have non-science degrees. Their knowledge of basic science is approximately zero.
Read 8 tweets

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