THREAD: On the role of bad social science in the Vietnam War—and how not understanding local conditions, and thinking through endogeneity (yes, endogeneity) can lead to policy conclusions with tragic, deadly consequences.
In 1967, 🇺🇸 was mired in the Vietnam War. The corrupt South Vietnamese regime was doing little for its people: in 1966, 42% of farmers were landless peasants.
To help the war effort, 🇺🇸 policymakers considered land reform—redistributing land from landlords to peasants. 2/
S Vietnam had tried land reform in 1956, but it had been hijacked by local landlords, and very little was redistributed.
Meanwhile, the Viet Cong enacted land reform in the areas under their control—and attracted 1000s of recruits in the process. 3/
While the politicians + generals debated, a star young economist at the RAND Corporation, Edward Mitchell, turned to analyze the land reform question.
In his report, Mitchell ran a province-level regression of S Vietnamese govt control on local land inequality as of 1960, and 5 other "independent" variables.
He found a positive relation.
Mitchell's conclusion? That redistribution would encourage more insurgency. 5/
"The ideal province from the [pov of govt] control," Mitchell wrote, "is one in which... few peasants operate their own land... and no land redistribution has taken place."
His report was covered by the NYT, and eventually published in "World Politics". 6/
Other RAND economists were skeptical of the study. Tony Russo, who had just returned from VN & seen rural conditions, wrote a scathing critique of the methodology.
Russo was later fired. (His friend Daniel Ellsberg tried to reverse the decision, but failed.)
Robert L. Sansom, a Rhodes Scholar, wrote another incisive rebuttal.
From his field research, Sansom knew how much the land reform implemented by the Viet Cong, and before them the Viet Minh, had done to reduce inequality in the areas under their control. 9/
In Samson's view, Mitchell's story was exactly reversed!
Areas with higher land equality precisely because they had been controlled by the insurgents, while areas with high inequality were more likely to be controlled by the govt because the govt didn't do land reform!
10/
Modern economists can recognize this as a classic example of endogeneity--in this case, reverse causality.
Sansom likened it to "observing that all who had the flu had been visited by doctors, [& concluding] that the doctors caused the flu." 11/
Unfortunately, as is often the case, bad research won the policy debate. RAND’s official history notes how Washington was eager to accept Mitchell’s results, despite the rebuttals, as a substitute for the hard work of actual reform. 12/
Land reform wasn't tried again until 1970, with some success--until the North's invasion in 1975 brought the experiment to a halt.
But in the intervening yrs from 1966-70, hundreds of thousands of Vietnamese had been killed. One wonders what might have been. 13/
Of course, clear-eyed, ground-level observers of Vietnam had been crying out for meaningful land reform for years.
(Even clearer-eyed ones were asking why the US was there at all.)
14/
The key point is not that Mitchell’s statistics were shoddy, but that he was too ignorant of reality to know. There will always be a market for bad ideas, and politicians looking for post-hoc scientism as cover.
As academics, we must do better at not providing it for them.
FIN.
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After the 1950s reform, rice yields in 🇹🇼 rose by 40%. The longstanding view—seen in Joe Studwell's excellent How Asia Works—is that land reform boosted productivity, launching 🇹🇼's extraordinary takeoff.
We test this theory by digitizing township-level data for the first time.
We focus on the latter 2 phases of Taiwan's land reform.
Phase 2 redistributed public lands, formerly held largely by Japanese sugar companies.
Phase 3 broke up larger private estates and gave them to tenants.
Together, 2 + 3 redistributed 24% of Taiwan's arable land.
Happy birthday to Albert Hirschman, who would be 109 today.
Hirschman—anti-fascist, resistance hero, later a development economist—may be the most interesting person to ever take up the profession.
🧵 and blog post on his remarkable life and work.
Hirschman was born in Berlin in 1915 to a Jewish family. He was just a teenager when he became involved as an activist in the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which was confronting Hitler’s rising Nazi Party in the streets.
When Hitler took dictatorial control after the Reichstag fire, Hirschman and his cell of young activists took to the streets, passing flyers, urging resistance.
But after several of his friends were arrested, a 17yo Hirschman was forced to flee to Paris.
🧵: On the role of bad social science in the Vietnam War—and how not understanding local conditions, and thinking through endogeneity (yes, endogeneity) can lead to policy conclusions with tragic, deadly consequences.
More, and a link to my new newsletter post below:
In 1967, 🇺🇸 was mired in the Vietnam War. The corrupt South Vietnamese regime was doing little for its people: in 1966, 42% of farmers were landless peasants.
To help the war effort, 🇺🇸 policymakers considered land reform—redistributing land from landlords to peasants.
S Vietnam had tried land reform in 1956, but it had been hijacked by local landlords, and very little was redistributed.
Meanwhile, the National Liberation Front (or Viet Cong) enacted land reform in the areas under their control—and attracted 1000s of recruits in the process.
My paper w @FergJoel applies machine learning to 1970s-80s satellite imagery to revisit one of the 🇨🇳 Chinese Miracle's first major reforms, the Household Responsibility System—the end of collective socialist agriculture.
What we found was quite surprising. 🧵
Starting in Anhui Province in 1978, the Household Responsibility System (often incorrectly attributed to Deng Xiaoping) broke up Mao's collective farms and brought back household farming—loosely, the end of communism in rural China.
The common view is that it boosted yields.
But Chinese statistics, particularly from the pre-reform era, are notoriously unreliable. Few output statistics are available at the sub-provincial level, making precise causal identification difficult, limiting prior research.
Hirschman was born in Berlin in 1916 to a Jewish family. He was just a teenager when he became involved as an activist in the Social Democratic Party (SPD), which was confronting Hitler’s rising Nazi Party in the streets.
2/
When Hitler took dictatorial control after the Reichstag fire, Hirschman and his cell of young activists took to the streets, passing flyers, urging resistance.
But after several of his friends were arrested, a 17yo Hirschman was forced to flee to Paris. 3/
A thoughtful piece on "the End of Development" -- the rising threat of premature deindustrialization in poor countries, closing the path of manufacturing-led growth that East Asia took to escape poverty in the 20th century.
I agree with almost all the obstacles to manufacturing growth raised in the piece.
But in my view, it remains better for gov’ts to try with all the tools at their disposal — industrial policy, export incentives, capital controls— than not at all.
2/N
For one thing, as Justin Yifu Lin has argued, China’s rise to middle-income status presents a golden market opportunity for regions seeking to become the next workshop of the world.
Today’s low cost producers can become tomorrow’s consumers.