Our #laws522 postgrad class @VicUniWgtn convenes today to dive into and critique some hot public law scholarship — ideas, anatomy, argument and context. Always an exciting (and heady) day! 🤓
First up @PeterTMcKenzie, grappling with McLean’s sketch of NZ’s political (“insider, elite”) constitution - and the threat from legalism. #laws522
Next, @HannahReynecke dips into Harlow’s piece on the (redundant?) public—private divide — and challenges in bridging the spheres, esp in context of digitisation. (But what of te Tiriti?)
Next, #Olivia leads us through @jenraso’s important work on administrative justice — reminding us of the need to interrogate the street-bureaucracy and the value of the socio-legal lens.
And @ALMarshallNZ explores @GeiringerC’s piece on the migration of constitutional ideas — through a case study of the role John Hart Ely’s thinking played in the design of the NZ Bill of Rights (and some of the insider elites’ subsequent amnesia…).
After our cuppa, Georgia takes us through Ruru & Kahu-Morris’ invitation for constitutional transformation to ground Te Tiriti at the heart — woven in song: Maranga Ake Ai. 🎶
Next, @maisybentley deconstructs the argument by @ad_perry and @AdamJTucker about the genesis of constitutional conventions — and the bottom-up versus top-down rule-of-recognition debate.
And Cate follows with a powerful but diplomatic critique of Loughlin’s address on the political constitution — and how legal thinkers have played around with the idea since Griffith.
Next, @NicolaWalsh1999 chaperones us through the enforceability of manner-and-form provisions, as explained by @timshiels & Geddis — their take on the thinking about procedural entrenchment, esp post-Ngaronoa.
Next, Emma picks up @MamariStephens’ wonderful article on Māori constitutional culture — seen, in part, through the lens of the legal Māori corpus. Interesting reflections on the power of the project, both in this particular piece and more generally.
And Natalie takes us through an article by an “unnamed author” on contextual review — critiquing the way it showcases instinctive review and measures it against a Fullerian rule-of-law framework. No awkwardness at all. 😎
Next, Alex dives into @pauldalyesq’s article on admin law values, reflecting on the way it seeks to reveal underlying values in common law judicial review doctrine.
Now, @MallochHanna grapples with @bchristophjones’ thought-provoking article on constitutional guardians — and the role that law drafters and parliamentary clerks might play in enduring constitutional propriety.
And Jess dips into our final piece, from @ProfMarkElliott on the constitutional politics of Miller 2 — reflecting on the way the article makes its claims about the soundness of the decision.
Okay. To return to the substance of this report, a few hot reckons — based on some thoughts provided as comment following a brief read. 🧵
As I said earlier, this is an ugly solution in search of a problem — a non-existent or massively overstated problem.
The criticisms of the Supreme Court are misplaced. There is nothing constitutionally exceptional in the ways they go about interpreting statute law or shepherding the common law.
The methods they use are entirely orthodox amongst the sibling apex courts we compare ourselves too. And the judges are unquestionably attentive to, and cautious about, the proper role of judges in the constitutional order.
If Whaitiri's letter to the Speaker meets the section 55B requirements, it’s all over and there’s no going back. Her seat automatically becomes vacant once that letter is received by the Speaker.
That is:
- written notice
- signed by the MP
- addressed to the Speaker
- states she has resigned from the parliamentary Labour party (and/or now wishes to be reconsider as a member of Te Pāti Māori).
Oh, god, seriously? We're going to have a constitutional debate about whether a notice given by email is "signed"...?
An irony, too, that this emergency Henry VIII framework legislation drops the very week we are studying the virtues and vices of secondary legislation and the Regs Review committee’s scrutiny work. #LAWS321
A framework for emergency Orders-in-Council — overriding primary legislation — for large areas of the country for the next 5 years.
Just because this Bill borrows the framework for orders seen after the Canterbury earthquake doesn’t make it right either. Our understanding of emergency ministerial orders is much more sophisticated, esp in the light of the Covid regime.
Catching up on constitutional developments while I’ve been deep in the marking cave.
And this one is a doozy — and perhaps concerning?
An SOP entrenching a point of policy (ownership/control of water assets) was agreed, ie 60% majority needed to repeal. legislation.govt.nz/sop/members/20…
I make no comment on the underlying policy. However, constitutionally, this is unusual and doesn’t sit well with our current constitutional traditions. Manner-and-form entrenchment has, to date, been restricted to key electoral provisions and those with widespread public support.
In other words, enhanced protection is usually reserved for those matters “above politics”. And, awkwardly, the enhanced majority here is only 60%, not the standard 75% (reflecting SO270 I guess).