First, the details of the story (originally reported out with help from @DanKurtzer and others):
--Bush secured Arab support for the first Gulf War, which ended Iraq's occupation of Kuwait, in part through assurances he'd also end Israel's occupation of Palestinian lands
Other key factors for what occurred:
--The Cold War had ended, and the U.S. was the sole superpower
--Israel needed massive loans to absorb ~1 million new immigrants from the former Soviet Union
--Initially, then-Israeli PM Yitzhak Shamir, of the right-wing Likud, had agreed that none of the money borrowed with U.S. loan guarantees would go to West Bank settlements.
--Then, for a much larger set of loans, Shamir refused
--So Bush and Baker held up the loan guarantees
--Shamir tried to end-run around Bush with help from AIPAC and allies in Congress
--Using his bully pulpit, Bush stood his ground and prevailed
--Shamir lost re-election in 1992 to Yitzhak Rabin, who would ratify the Oslo Accords before being assassinated by a Jewish extremist
This is the famous H.W. Bush press conference on Sept. 12, 1991, defending his hard line against the loan guarantees.
"Peace is vital here and we've worked too hard to have that request of mine denied."
James Baker testified at HFAC on Sept. 4, 1991 about how Saddam Hussein's support for the Palestinian cause increased Hussein's influence. As a result, he argues that a peaceful resolution in Israel-Palestine is a U.S. interest. Questioner is then-Rep. Mel Levine. (h/t @jjz1600)
Skeptics like @JoelMartinRubin argue that the circumstances then were uniquely conducive to leveraging aid effectively. U.S. rising; Gulf Arab nations insistent; Israel needing money; Israeli center-left waiting in the wings. None of that is true now.
But the point that advocates of tighter conditions on U.S. aid make is that while the formulation might end up being different now, absent tangible consequences for some Israeli policies, U.S. disapproval is effectively meaningless ...
... “Netanyahu will continue to move Israel-Palestine toward a one-state, separate-but-equal reality unless the U.S. matches our rhetorical opposition to settlement expansion and occupation with concrete action,” @_waleedshahid
“Bush established consequences for bad behavior, and he got results. It can happen again,” @jjz1600
“We need to recognize that we have played a role in creating the mess ― a big role. And we have to first stop doing it and then start correcting it,” @YousefMunayyer
Keep in mind, the U.S. -- and Israel -- have never been shy about squeezing the Palestinian Authority financially.
Trump cut off aid in 2018 over a dispute and Israel has periodically confiscated tax revenue.
Addendum: @jjz1600 noted to me that Bill Clinton used subtler, but equally firm techniques to pressure Israel during Netanyahu's first term.
In Nov. 1997, he refused an in-person meeting with Netanyahu when the then-Israeli PM was visiting the U.S.: nytimes.com/1997/11/27/wor…
Clinton later all-but-openly campaigned for Ehud Barak, Netanyahu's center-left successor. Three of his campaign hands advised Barak. nytimes.com/1999/05/17/wor…
Compare the Clinton dinner incident to Obama's denial after allegedly making Netanyahu wait for him during dinner in 2010. nymag.com/intelligencer/…
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.@justicedems laid off nine of its 20 staff members a few weeks ago.
I looked at both the proximate and deeper reasons, as well as the broader implications for the left -- at the ballot box and on Capitol Hill. huffpost.com/entry/justice-…
7 out of 9 people laid off were paid by Organize for Justice, the group's 501(c)4 -- the lobbying, organizing, and podcast arm.
The move signals a move away from leg. and organizing work, and a doubling down on core election mission.
Political giving is indeed down virtually across the board, which is affecting smaller, grassroots-money dependent groups more.
JD told me 62% of its donations thus far are in increments of <$200.
New: Chicago Mayor-elect Brandon Johnson relentlessly defined his opponent as a "Republican" and presented a progressive plan for reducing crime that he had confidence would resonate with voters.
A few key elements:
-- Johnson began inoculating himself on "defund" by leaning into public safety before the runoff
-- He hit Vallas hard as a "Republican" from the night he made the runoff
-- 15-second TV ads to establish name ID
...
...
-- "Brandon is better" message tailored to an electorate seeking change
-- One-third of Johnson's advertising budget went to digital, where precise targeting enables dollars to go further
-- Plan to raise taxes offset by promise not to raise property taxes
...
... Johnson has attacked García in late January for "abandoning the progressive movement" with, among other things, his plans to fill the police backlog. nbcchicago.com/news/local/bra…
Scoop: @ClyburnSC06 is endorsing @Brandon4Chicago in the Chicago mayoral race, providing the progressive contender a critical boost in his showdown with centrist Paul Vallas.
Clyburn has already been bundling money for him for weeks.
Johnson met with Clyburn in Selma, Alabama, and they developed a personal bond made stronger by their shared background as former teachers and sons of pastors.
Johnson also met with President Biden while he was there.
Clyburn: “Commissioner Johnson and I share many characteristics: our spirit of activism, our professional beginnings as public school teachers, our commitment to justice, and we are both PKs (Preacher Kids)."
The key takeaway: GOPers believe that the Dobbs decision prompted more Democratic "super voters" to participate in polls, at once inflating Dem share of likely electorate, and encouraging Dems to over-rely on abortion rights, Jan. 6, and democracy themes as their salience faded.
Wallace-Wells paints a scenario in which Democrats are once again victims of the educational polarization that has increased their traction with college graduates and decreased it with non-college graduates, especially men, and increasingly Latino and Black non-college men ...
New: Facing Republican Joe O’Dea, a construction CEO critical of Trump, Sen. Michael Bennet (D-Colo.) has emphasized economic policy differences.
My look at how Bennet, a Child Tax Credit champion, is running as a critic of "trickle-down economics": huffpost.com/entry/michael-…
Some highlights:
-- Even in increasingly blue Colorado, Bennet's tax-centric populism -- complete with denunciations of Reagan and "neoliberalism" -- is unique. Polis and Hickenlooper sound different.
-- He embraces the Bernie left's analysis that inequality gave oxygen o Trump.
-- It's kind of remarkable how different Bennet sounds *from himself* running in 2010. He had a whole section on his website on "entitlement reform." web.archive.org/web/2010101501…