Whatever measures the EU takes in Belarus from today will not be motivated by concerns about "democracy" or "free speech".
There were no sanctions against Saudi Arabia when it dismembered Khashoggi, Britain when it kidnapped Assange, or Israel when it decimated media offices.
A recent @Europarl_EN resolution gives us a clue as to the real motivation.
The resolution expressed “regret” that the Belarusian authorities failed to follow World Bank and IMF recommendations to privatize the state sector, implement austerity, and "encourage entrepreneurship".
The resolution also expressed “concern” that state regulations were hostile to the private sector, "particularly the requirement to pay a minimum wage not lower than the average wage of the ten most successful state-owned enterprises."
This is the fine print of regime change. It first strikes not at political repression, but at the tools of economic sovereignty. It calls for the selling-off of industries to foreign capital at garage sale prices, and masks these anti-popular measures behind appeals to "freedom".
It often sides with reactionary anti-communist elements, which rehabilitate pre-socialist symbolism — some tainted by association to fascism — and call for campaigns of "decommunization". These forces are then wielded to silence opposition to liberalization.
We need not look far for precedents.
In Ukraine today, the opposition media has been shut down, neoliberal orthodoxy has taken root, and increasingly radical fascist elements within the state and beyond them are violently suppressing remnants of left-wing thought.
Labour protests are crushed by right-wing thugs acting in cahoots with security officials — including on one occasion the Ukrainian special forces. Social support is cut. "Democracy" offers up a few bickering parties with the same neoliberal agenda.
Meanwhile, the western press cheers on Ukraine's newfound "freedom", a loaded word that signals one thing but means another. It is a freedom for the ruling class, for business, for foreign capital — not for the workers and poor, who are written out of our narratives.
The thing is, many post-Soviet states have occupied a strange liminal space between socialism and capitalism — retaining welfare and housing programs, job security, public ownership, and so on, even if in weakened form. These institutions guaranteed a modicum of stability.
Since the collapse of the USSR, the EU and US have worked tirelessly to eradicate these last remnants of socialism on the continent, often through undemocratic means. Their efforts have thrust nations into violent reaction, the effects of which are plain from Warsaw to Bucharest.
You don't have to support a government to understand that regime change forced on the back of economic and informational warfare is unlikely to increase freedom. Once capitalism, as a set of political, cultural, and social conditions, takes root, it is there to stay.
I am reminded now of the words of a Ukrainian trade unionist.
"We had no idea what was coming for us," he told me last year. "And we urge our Belarusian brothers and sisters not to repeat our mistakes."
Of course, after last night, the situation may be outside their control.
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Some initial thoughts on the Trump administration's policies on Ukraine.
1. The "aid for minerals" ploy simply makes explicit what has implicitly been US policy since 2014, using Ukrainian land and lives to line the pockets of the US oligarchy and military-industrial complex.
2. On NATO membership, Trump's "maybe it will, maybe it won't" approach hardly differs from the ambiguity that was always implicit in the offer.
NATO membership has been dangled in front of Ukraine—and, for nearly a decade before it, Georgia—as a ploy to drive both countries into increasingly-aggressive postures against Russia.
I doubt anyone seriously considered NATO membership realistic behind closed doors: these countries were meant to be NATO's instruments, not its members. They both know this. Indeed, Georgia's government has now said it explicitly.
3. The panic in Europe's capitals feels especially contrived given that the current situation is the very obvious outcome of (a) playing second fiddle in the US-led imperialist bloc and (b) making yourself entirely dependent on the US by helping it undermine economic relations with your more immediate neighbors.
Trump has simply pulled the curtain on the theatre of multilateralism that concealed how little say the Europeans really had within the parameters of the "unipolar", imperialist system.
It will have you forget the Holocaust in Gaza and try to convince you that US American fascism arrived, fully-formed, with orange foundation and a blond sweep.
It will have you forget that, many decades ago, the US inspired Hitler.
While Europe colonized and exterminated Indigenous peoples from India to the Congo, the US expanded West.
State governments offered bounties for "red skins sent to Purgatory." By 1900, the Indigenous population in what is now the US collapsed from up to 15 million to 237,000.
“I don’t go so far as to think that the only good Indians are the dead Indians, but I believe nine out of every ten are,” Theodore Roosevelt said in 1886. He justified the US genocide against the Native American people as the "pioneer work of civilization in barbarous lands".
🧵: We are witnessing tectonic changes in the international system on a scale unseen in generations — and much of the West remains wilfully blind to this epochal process or what it means for the future of humanity.
To understand this moment, we need to turn back to World War I, a vicious inter-imperial conflict fought for the spoils of colonial loot.
That war, which slaughtered over sixty million working people, both gave the impetus to the October Revolution in Russia and revealed the unspeakable brutality of an international order dominated by colonial and imperial rule.
In 1919, the Manifesto of the Communist International to the Workers of the World put forward a clear analysis of what that war, often remembered as the "Great War" in the West, really meant to the world's colonized and working people:
"The colonial populations were drawn into the European war on an unprecedented scale. Indians, Blacks, Arabs and Malagasy fought on the territories of Europe—for the sake of what? For the right to remain the slaves of Britain and France. Never before has the infamy of capitalist rule in the colonies been delineated so clearly; never before has the problem of colonial slavery been posed so sharply as it is today."
When British imperial policy starved some four million Bengalis to death, Churchill said it was “their own fault for breeding like rabbits”. It is clear as day that Churchill and Hitler were part of the same rotten European colonial tradition.
For years, Churchill backed fascism as a bulwark against communism. “If I had been an Italian," he said in 1927, "I am sure I should have been wholeheartedly with you from the start to finish in your triumphant struggle against the bestial appetites and passions of Leninism.”
In 1935, he praised “the courage, the perseverance, and the vital force which enabled [Adolf Hitler] to... overcome all the... resistances which barred his path.” It was Germany's threat to Britain's own fascist colonial ambitions that alarmed Churchill most.
My uncle once lived on Patrice Lumumba Street in Gdańsk. When our socialist project fell, Lumumba’s name made way for that of the Jagiellon dynasty, a royal family from a time when history measured the exchange of thrones, not the heartbeats of people. 🧵
Together with Lumumba’s memory went a rich legacy of socialist internationalism.
The Polish people had been in Accra, Baghdad, Lagos, Hanoi and beyond. They left behind schools, roads, hospitals, universities, and social housing.
In turn, youth and students from around the world came to Poland — acquiring the skills, lessons and friendships that would support them in their own projects of struggle, decolonization, and state building.
NATO was founded on this day in 1949. Its mission, as its first Secretary General said, was "to keep the Soviets out, the Americans in, and the Germans down."
Like the fascist project that it absorbed, NATO's anti-communism was directed not just at the USSR, but at the aspirations of the European people—and the anticolonial movements springing up around the globe.
In Europe, NATO was quick to rehabilitate fascists. António Salazar's brutal regime in Portugal was a founding member of NATO. Adolf Heusinger, a senior Nazi officer wanted by the Soviet Union for war crimes, would become Chairman of its Military Committee.