Whatever measures the EU takes in Belarus from today will not be motivated by concerns about "democracy" or "free speech".
There were no sanctions against Saudi Arabia when it dismembered Khashoggi, Britain when it kidnapped Assange, or Israel when it decimated media offices.
A recent @Europarl_EN resolution gives us a clue as to the real motivation.
The resolution expressed “regret” that the Belarusian authorities failed to follow World Bank and IMF recommendations to privatize the state sector, implement austerity, and "encourage entrepreneurship".
The resolution also expressed “concern” that state regulations were hostile to the private sector, "particularly the requirement to pay a minimum wage not lower than the average wage of the ten most successful state-owned enterprises."
This is the fine print of regime change. It first strikes not at political repression, but at the tools of economic sovereignty. It calls for the selling-off of industries to foreign capital at garage sale prices, and masks these anti-popular measures behind appeals to "freedom".
It often sides with reactionary anti-communist elements, which rehabilitate pre-socialist symbolism — some tainted by association to fascism — and call for campaigns of "decommunization". These forces are then wielded to silence opposition to liberalization.
We need not look far for precedents.
In Ukraine today, the opposition media has been shut down, neoliberal orthodoxy has taken root, and increasingly radical fascist elements within the state and beyond them are violently suppressing remnants of left-wing thought.
Labour protests are crushed by right-wing thugs acting in cahoots with security officials — including on one occasion the Ukrainian special forces. Social support is cut. "Democracy" offers up a few bickering parties with the same neoliberal agenda.
Meanwhile, the western press cheers on Ukraine's newfound "freedom", a loaded word that signals one thing but means another. It is a freedom for the ruling class, for business, for foreign capital — not for the workers and poor, who are written out of our narratives.
The thing is, many post-Soviet states have occupied a strange liminal space between socialism and capitalism — retaining welfare and housing programs, job security, public ownership, and so on, even if in weakened form. These institutions guaranteed a modicum of stability.
Since the collapse of the USSR, the EU and US have worked tirelessly to eradicate these last remnants of socialism on the continent, often through undemocratic means. Their efforts have thrust nations into violent reaction, the effects of which are plain from Warsaw to Bucharest.
You don't have to support a government to understand that regime change forced on the back of economic and informational warfare is unlikely to increase freedom. Once capitalism, as a set of political, cultural, and social conditions, takes root, it is there to stay.
I am reminded now of the words of a Ukrainian trade unionist.
"We had no idea what was coming for us," he told me last year. "And we urge our Belarusian brothers and sisters not to repeat our mistakes."
Of course, after last night, the situation may be outside their control.
• • •
Missing some Tweet in this thread? You can try to
force a refresh
When British imperial policy starved some four million Bengalis to death, Churchill said it was “their own fault for breeding like rabbits”. It is clear as day that Churchill and Hitler were part of the same rotten European colonial tradition.
For years, Churchill backed fascism as a bulwark against communism. “If I had been an Italian," he said in 1927, "I am sure I should have been wholeheartedly with you from the start to finish in your triumphant struggle against the bestial appetites and passions of Leninism.”
In 1935, he praised “the courage, the perseverance, and the vital force which enabled [Adolf Hitler] to... overcome all the... resistances which barred his path.” It was Germany's threat to Britain's own fascist colonial ambitions that alarmed Churchill most.
My uncle once lived on Patrice Lumumba Street in Gdańsk. When our socialist project fell, Lumumba’s name made way for that of the Jagiellon dynasty, a royal family from a time when history measured the exchange of thrones, not the heartbeats of people. 🧵
Together with Lumumba’s memory went a rich legacy of socialist internationalism.
The Polish people had been in Accra, Baghdad, Lagos, Hanoi and beyond. They left behind schools, roads, hospitals, universities, and social housing.
In turn, youth and students from around the world came to Poland — acquiring the skills, lessons and friendships that would support them in their own projects of struggle, decolonization, and state building.
NATO was founded on this day in 1949. Its mission, as its first Secretary General said, was "to keep the Soviets out, the Americans in, and the Germans down."
Like the fascist project that it absorbed, NATO's anti-communism was directed not just at the USSR, but at the aspirations of the European people—and the anticolonial movements springing up around the globe.
In Europe, NATO was quick to rehabilitate fascists. António Salazar's brutal regime in Portugal was a founding member of NATO. Adolf Heusinger, a senior Nazi officer wanted by the Soviet Union for war crimes, would become Chairman of its Military Committee.
Today, Germany celebrates “Unity Day”: ideological cover for the 1990 annexation of the German Democratic Republic by west Germany.
The process was accompanied by perhaps the largest expropriation of public wealth by private capital in European history, estimated at $2 trillion.
The annexation was marked by the severe curtailment of political and economic rights for the residents of east Germany.
With no democratic mandate, west German monopolists seized factories, farms, mills, and other GDR property, which they asset-stripped and wound down.
Industrial output collapsed by 50% and unemployment ballooned to double the rate in west Germany. Housing costs climbed from five percent of income to up to two-thirds. A country with no homelessness soon found itself with tens of thousands of people living in the streets.
Gorbachev died. His legacy? Russia's GDP dropped by 40%. Real wages halved. Poverty ballooned from 2.2 million in 1987-88 to 66 million in 1993-95. Millions died under the brutal regime of privatization and shock therapy. Half a million women were trafficked into sexual slavery.
Does Gorbachev hold sole responsibility? Of course not. He was just the feeble culmination of a revisionist current in Soviet governance that made increasing accommodation to capitalist interests. But he presided over the final capitulation, and that is his weight to bear.
Does Gorbachev bear the primary responsibility? No. Since the 1950s, the USSR faced a vicious adversary whose policy was to “enormously increase the strains” on Soviet governance to “promote tendencies which must eventually find their outlet in... the breakup... of Soviet power.”
Zelensky has ratified Law 5371, which strips 70% of Ukrainian workers of collective bargaining rights, introduces zero-hours contracts, and allows the state to confiscate trade union property. The price of admission into the imperialist alliance is heavy. morningstaronline.co.uk/article/w/ukra…
The British Foreign Office has been spearheading a major campaign of capitalist propaganda, advising Ukraine on the benefits of "liberalizing" labor laws. It looks like they got their way, throwing Ukrainian workers right back to the 19th century. progressive.international/wire/2022-01-1…
This, of course, has to be seen in the context of a much broader agenda of plunder. Consider this recent RAND proposal on Ukraine's post-war reconstruction.